Tyson 


...Object  of  the  administration 
in  prosecuting  the  war. 


Infwraftg  of  Nortlj  Olaroittta 


GLalUttwn  nf  Nortly  (tofllitttatta 
nf  %  (Sllasa  of  1HB3 


FOR    GRATUITOUS    DISTRIBUTION 

SUPPOSED  BY  VOLOTTAEY  CONTEIBDHONS 


OBJECT  OF  THE  ADMINISTRATION 


IN 


PROSECUTING  THE  WAR. 


BY    BRTTA.lsr    TYSON, 


LATE  OJT  NORTH  CAROLINA. 


ApproTed  by  the  National  Democratic  Resident  Executive  Committee. 


"WASHINGTON,  D.  C: 

PRINTED  AND  STEREOTYPED  BY  MoGILL  ft  WITHEROTT 

1869. 


The  following  pages  were  published  and  cir- 

julated  extensively  by  the  Democratic  executive 
Jommittee  during  the  campaign  ol  1864.  Having 
rtereotype  plates,  I  have  had  another  ediwon 
•truck,  which  will  perhaps  not  be  wholly  unin- 
teresting to  the  reader,  notwithstanding  a  large 
proportion  thereof  may  have  become  stale  by 
aee  It  was  pronounced  by  the  Philadelphia 
Age  "  one  of  the  ablest  campaign  documents 
that  could  be  written." 

At  the  breaking  out  of  the  late  war,  I  was  ol 
Bourse  a  strong  Uftion  man.  Though  a  slave- 
Holder,  and  a  believer  in  the  right  of  secession-, 
is  a  question  of  policy  I  was  opposed  to  the 
leceding  of  the  southern  States.  I  was  emphati- 
Bailv  in  favor  of  what  I  conceived  to  be  the  best 
Interests  of  the  southern  people,  and  was  there- 
fore opposed  to-  the  war,  and  so  long  atfrl  have 
mv  senses.  I  will  ever  be  opposed  to  settling 
firms,  r  accordingly  issued  sundry  publications, 
at  Raleigh,  North  Carolina,  based  upon  religious 
principles,  advocating  a  strike  for  a  compromise 
□pon,a  constitutional  basis.  I  had  as  good  reasons 
as  a  mortal  could  desire  for  believing  that  I  was 
right,  and  was  acting  in  accordance  with  the  will 
of'  Him  who  doeth  all  things  well  rather  than 
that  of  man  At  length,  being  persecuted  for 
promulgating  doctrines,  all  of  which  turned  out 
to  be  true,  and  which  would  have  been  worth  to 
the' people  of  each  section  hundreds  of  thousands 
of  lives  and  billions-  of  treasure  had  they  been 
heeded,  I  left  my  native  State,  North  Carolina, 
and  came  North.  I  soon  fell  to  work  upon  the 
heresies  of  the  Republican  party,  as  the  within 
pages  will  indicate.  There  was  an  opposing  fac- 
tion in  each  section,  evidently  wrong  to  some  ex- 
tent. The  doctrine  of  secession  may  be  considered 
as  common  to  the  people  of  both  sections.  The 
New  England  States  were  the  first  to  threaten 
to  secede.  The  Representatives  of  these  States 
first  threatened  to  withdraw  from  the  Union 
during  Washington's  administration,  in  case 
their  State  debts  were  not  assumed  by  the  Gen- 
eral Government.  A  second  time  was  upon  the 
occasion  of  the  Embargo  Act,  passed  December 
23,  1807,  being,  in  their  estimation,  a  blow  aimed 
at  their  commerce  for  the  benefit  of  other  sections 
of  the  country.  The  violen«e  of  this  outcry 
3ecured  the  repeal  of  the  Embargo  in  1809.  A 
similar  disposition  was  again  manifested  on  the 
purchase  of  Louisiana. 

But  a  fourth  time,  and  with  still  louder  and 
more  unsatisfied  clamor,  did  New  England 
threaten  to  throw  herself  upon  ihe  dectrine  of 
sitate  sovereignty,  as  authorizing  a  dissolution 
of  the  Union.  This  was  from  dissatisfaction 
with  the  administration  of  Mr.  Madison,  and  the 
declaration  of  war  of  1812.  This  opposition 
took  an  organized  form  of  expression  ■  in  the 
Hartford  Convention  of  December  .15,  1814,  in 
which    all   the  New    England    States,   except 

2 


Maine,  which  had  not  then  been  admitted  into 
the  Union,  were  represented,  sending  at  that 
time  delegates  to  Washington  to  negotiate  tor  a 
separation.  Massachusetts  was  represented  in 
said  convention  by  twelve  delegates— more  than 
any  of  the  other  States.  The  arrival  ot  the  news 
of  the  peace  of  Ghent  put  an  end  to  the  further 
development  of  this  movement. 

In  the  Richmond  Enquirer  of  the  1st  Novem- 
ber   1814,  appeared"  an  article  advocating  the 
seizure  of  "  the  first  traitor  who  shall  spring  out 
of  the  hot-bed  of  the  convention  of  HaHlorct. 
Virginia  was    then  endeavoring  to  hold  JNe 
England  in  the  Union.     '  ,■"•■■;-*£ 

On  the  other  hand,  there  was  a  party  at  the 
South  laboring  for  a  dissolution  of  the  Union 
from  the  time. that  Mr.  Calhoun,  in  a  speech  at 
Abbeville,  South  Carolina,  upon  his  return  irom 
Washington.  in_1833.  advised  the  shifting  of  the 
.  JX.4ii)i W¥ SjUIi t tint ri—o-oxCTi  irora  xne  ranrr  iu  the 

slavery  question,  down  to  the  time  it  culminated 
in  I860  and  1861.  Of  this  class,  William  L 
Yancey  may  be  considered  a  representative  man 
He  proposed  in  the  convention  at  Baltimore,  in 
1852,  as  an  ultimatum  upon  which  he  could  con 
tinue  to  act  with  the  Democratic  party,  that  the 
doctrine  of  non-intervention  by  Congress  in 
regard  to  slavery  in  the  Territories  should  be 
incorporated  into  the  Democratic  platform.  Not 
succeeding  in  this,  he  did  not  support  the  nomi- 
nee, Mr.  Pierce  In  1856,  as  a  delegate  in  the 
convention  at  Cincinnati,  he  proposed  his  same 
old  ultimatum,  which,  perhaps  contrary  to  his 
expectations,  was  adopted.  In  1860,  in  the 
Charleston  convention,  he  went  to  the  opposite 
extreme,  and  demanded  that  the  intervention  of 
Congress  for  the  protection  of  slavery  in  the  Ter 
ritories  should  be  incorporated  into  the  Charles- 
ton platform.  This  v/as  not  complied  with — 
very  probably  a  desired  result,  as  it  enabled  the 
secessionists  t#  put  in  force  their  long- cherished 
views. 

I  think,  from  the  foregoing,  you  will  readily 
admit  that  no  person  having  the  interest  of  our 
whole  country  at  heart  could  endorse  either  of 
the  factions  above  described. 

But  while  we  may  differ  with  the  northern 
people  upon  various  political  points,  it  must  be 
admitted  that  there  are  a  great  many  sincere 
good-meaning  pepple  in  the  Republiaan  party 
If  we  had  been  educated  and  reared  under  simi- 
lar circumstances,  we  would  very  probably  erT- 
tertain  similar  views.  The  masses  are  more 
nearly  right,  while  the  leaders  are  to  a  very 
great  extent  corrupt.  This  will  doubtless  ap- 
ply with  equal  force  to  the  people  of  the  South 

The  southern  people,  in  rejecting  article  XIV 
doubtless  committed  one  of  the  greatest  errors 
that  has  occurred  since  the  close  of  the  war,  caua 
ing  much  more  stringent  enactments  by  Con 
gress  than  would  otherwise  have  been  resorted 
to.  Let  us,  however,  hope  that  all  willyetbe  well 


OBJECT  OF  THE  ADMINISTRATION  IN  PROSCUTING 


THE  WAR. 


Before  ent3ring  upon"  a  discussion  of  this  very 
important  subject,  it  may  not  be  amiss  for  me, 
being  a  southern  man,  to  offer  an  apology  for 
me'itlling  in  the  politics  of  the  day.  Were  the 
interests  of  thn  Northern  people  alone  involved 
in  the  issue  of  the  coming  campaign,  I  should 
certainly  not  feel  excusable  in  doing  this.  But 
ines.nuch  as  the  principles  involved  extend  to 
the  people  of  the  most  remote  Southern  States, 
and  are  also  of  vital  importance  to  them,  I  not 
only  consider  it  my  privilege,  but  actually  my 
duty,  to  express  my  sentiments  freely  on  this 
most  important  occasion. 

In  the  first  place  I  will  remark  that  I  have 
not  come  here  with  two  sets  of  sentiments  ;  one 
for  the  North,  the  other  for  the  South.  I  there- 
fore expect  to  advance  the  same  sentiments 
here  that  1  did  there,  even  the  same  for  '^hich 
I  was  arrested  and  imprisoned,  they  being  my 
honest  convictions 

I  will  also  state  that  I  am  not  allied  nor  plpdge^ 
to  the  principles  of  any  party,  bufcadvocite  ex- 
clusively such  measures  as  1  honestly  and  cot.- 
ev'catiousiy  believe  to  be  best  for  we  people  of 
all  sections  of  the  country.  But  if,  in  doing 
this,  I  should  advance  any  sentiments  not  in 
accordance  with  those  of  my  Republican  or 
Democratic  brethren,  they  will  please  pardon 
me  for  so  doing  when  1  inform  them  that  it  is  a 
.lonscientious  belief  thav.  I  am  in  the  discharge 
of  my  duty,  that  prompts  me  so  to  speak.  Hav- 
ing been  very  kindly  treated  by  my  Republican 
and  Democratic  brethren  since  I  came  North, 
and  especially  by  tin  former,  I  certainly  enter- 
tain the  kindest  of  feelings  for  them,  and  desire 
to  give  nothing  but  good  will  in  return.  It 
will  therefore  te  my  desire,  in  the  following 
remarks,  to  conciliate  and  draw  together,  rath- 
er than  irritate  and  alienate  ;  but  in  doing  this 
I  shall  at  mpny  places  be  constrained  to  speak 
plainly.  Wit  a  these  prefatory  remarks  1  will 
~ow  move  on  to  the  subject. 

Thr,  time  has  been  when  the  Administration 
ac  Washington  gave  to  their  actions  the  sem- 
blance of  prosecuting  the  war  solely  for  the 


purpose  of  restoring  ihe  Union  upon  a  strictly 
constitutional  basis  ;  but  that  time  has  passed. 
They  have  now  thrown  off  the  mash  sufficient- 
ly for  it  to  appear  evi^nt  to  all  that  they  are 
prosecuting  the  Tra?  for  the  purpose  of  freeing 
the  negroes  rather  than  restoring  the  Union.  A 
certain  matter  transpired  last  fall  that  confirmed 
me  in  this  bsli^jf,  which  I  will  here  relate  : 

At  the  surprise  at  Bristow  Station,  a.  number 
of  JJorth  Carolinians  were  captured  and  sent  to 
the  Old  Capitol  in  this  city.  Among  them  wera 
several  whom  I  knew,  some  of  them  having 
formerly  been  my  schoolmates  in  North  Carrc- 
lina.  Knowing  the  circumstances  under  wbi^o 
many  of  these  persons  were  forced  into  thft 
army,  I  believed  that  by  extending  proper  fa- 
cilities a  large  proportion  of  them  might  be 
induced  to  forsake  the  Southern  cause.  I  there- 
fore applied  to  a  Republican  friend  to  assist  me 
in  getting  a  permit  from  the  Secretary  of  War 
to  visit  these  prisoners,  without  the  usual 
restraint.  He  appea.red  a  little  dull  about 
granting  my  request,  But  I  finally  urged  the 
matter  with  such  importunity,  that  he  came 
out  and  divulged  the  following,  which  caused 
me  to  see  plainly  the  real  designs  of  the  Ad- 
ministration, which  was  as  follows  : 

A  short  time  previous  to  this,  one  Mr.  Don- 
nell,  of  North  Carolina,  wrote  an  article 
strongly  condemning  the  secessionists,  which 
was  published  in  the  North  Carolina  Standard, 
A  copy  of  this  was  sent  my  friend,  by  flag  Oi 
truce,  I  believe.  He  was  the  first  to  have  it 
copied  into  a  Northern  paper.  It  was  after- 
wards copied  into  a  great  mr.ny  others.  Soon 
after  this,  official  business  demanded  an  inter- 
view between  him  and  a  distinguished  member 
of  the  Cabinet.  Before  parting  my  friend  com- 
plimented him  on  the  prospect  of  a  union  seu- 
timent  springing  up  in  North  Carolina,  men- 
tioning the  aforesaid  letter.  Strange  as  it  may 
seem,  this  distinguished  person  remarked  tha<; 
he  did  not  want  any  compromise ;  anj^&ejEprd 
brought  on  another,  until  tbeyj 
anger. 


J 


The  idea  ©f  a  man  becoming  angry  because 
"there  was  a  prospect  of  the  Southern  people 
re  ui'Hing  tp  tbeir  reason,  and  thus  staying  ihe 
further  effusion  of  blood,  must  be  rcv>  lii.g  to 
ihe  feelings  of  any  Christian,  humane  mm.  I 
could  tlien,  and  not  t  11  then  bcgiii-to  compre- 
hend the  intensity  of  this  Abolition  sentiment. 
I  readily  came  to  the  conclusion  that  ih  y  had 
rather  kill  than  reclaim  a  rebel,  even  at  a  loss 
of  man  for  man,  and  that  therefore  it  would  b(fc 
useless  for  me  to  present  a  petition  with  the 
afpresaid  object  in  view.  I  however  concluded 
io  iry  it,  and  if  it  failed  I  would  lay  it  up  as 
f-mdence  against  the  Republican  party.  I 
accordingly  got  a  petition  to  that  effect,  signed 
by  prominent  Republicans  and  Democrats,  and 
presented  it  to  the  Secretary  of  War,  Mr.  Stivu- 
ton.  He  read  it  over  hastily,  took  up  his  pen 
and  dashed  across  the  -same,  "not  prranled,' 
just  as  I  expected.  I  now  have  this  document 
filed  among  my  papers. 

From  the  foreguing  and  kinctivd  circum- 
stance?, I  was  led  to  believe  that  the  President's 
emancipation  proclamation  was  issued  on  pur- 
pose to  keep  the  Southern  people  from  making 
overtures  to  return  to  the  Union,  and  thus  afford 
ft  fit  opportunity  for  a  blow  to  be  stricken  at 
the  "peculiar  institution."  Whct'h -r  or  not 
this  was  ihe  design,  it  was  evidently  the  effuct ; 
for  wc  are' all  well  enough  acquaiii'ed  with 
human  nature  t^  know  thai  man  is  not  disposed 
to  do  under  a  threat  what  he  wpu  d  otherwise 
voluntarily  do.  Wc  also  know  that  ihe  Presi- 
dent had  the  issuing  of  that  proclamation  in 
contemplation  for  several  months  prior  to  the 
time  of  irs  promulgation.  He  accordingly  wrote 
it,  convened  his  t  abinct,  and  read  it  to  them. 
The  Postmaster-General,  Mr.  Clair,  exclaimed  : 
Mr.  President,  if  you  issue  that  proclama  ion, 
you  will  lose  all  the  fall  elections!  But  Mr. 
Seward  approved  of  the  policy  of  iesuing  it,  but 
aot  at  that  time,  sugges:ing  that  it  he  withheld- 
until  after  a  Federal  victory,  lest  it  be  construed 
as  the  d  ath  struggle  of  the  nation.  His  sug- 
Te-tion  was  adopted,  and  it  was  accordingly 
withheld  until  after  the  victory  at  Antictam, 
tflien  it  was  issued.  Now,  the  Administration 
party  claim  that  military  necessity  demanded 
he  issuing  of  thatproclamat'on;  but  if  so,  why 
did  they  wait  for  a  Federal  victory  ?  If  it  was 
politic  as  a  war  measure,  and  military  necessity 
jomanded  it,  why  was  it  not  issued  at  once,  and 
>et  it  have  helped  achieve  a  victory?  No,  my 
iriends,  I  think  in  this  the  Administration  was 
aadly  mistaken,  and  that  instead  of  one  victory 
being  sufficient  o  prop  up  this  very  impolitic 
neasure,  it  would  have  required  at  least  two 
)T  three. 

Soon  after  the  victory  at  Antietam  (before 
the  news  reached  us  that  the  emancipation  pro- 
clamation had  been' issued)  the  Confederacy  was 
being  shaken  fr6m  centre  to  foundation.  Had 
the  war  b.^cn  pushed  forward  upon  a  strictly 
constitutional  basis,  with  the  olive  branch  ot 
peace  inone  hand,  the  sword  in  the  oihcr,  1 
less  than  three  months 
would  have  struck  f^r  a 


isett.i.«T\<»Tit  of  our  difficulties.     But  after  having 

them  crim^letely  hemmed  in,  they  were  let  out 
by  the  issuing  of  this  most  mischievous  procla- 
mation. 

m  If  those  persons  who  advocate  that  mil  tar»* 
necessity  demanded  the  issuing  of  ihat  piocl. 
rant  ion,  u  d  l  ecu  South  a  d  seen  its  vil  etreetrt 
iii  massing  the  peopl  •  ag  linst  the  Federal  Gov- 
ernment, a3  well  as  the  great  encou  agcnieut  t> 
consequent  division  in  the  Northern  ranks  gave 
t'  em,  through  a  prospect  for  future  revolution 
among  themselves,  as  I  have,  not  another  word 
could  they  speak  in  behalf  thereof. 

Again  :  The  removal  of  General  McClcllan,, 
a  Democrat,  a*  ?,  time  when  he  was  victorious, 
ftoes  to  prove  that  the  Administration  was  mak- 
in  c  preparf  tions  for  the  adoption  of  lira  radical 
emancipation  policy,  which  '  as  since  been  such 
a  ch  racteristic  feature  in  the  administration 
of  the  Government- 

The  removal  of  General  Buell,  another  Dem- 
ocrat, at  a  lime  that  he  was  victorious,  goes  to 
prov.!  the  same. 

**Ve  refusal  of  the  President  to  permit  the 
Louisiana  delegation  to  set  at  nought,  the  ordi- 
nance of  secession  and  return  to  the  Union  upon 
a  strictly  constitutional  basis,  is  but  another 
proof. 

The  refustiJ  r f  the  President  to  permit.  A.  H. 
Stephens,  Vice  President  of  the  Confederacy, 
to  visit  Washington  city  upon  a  mission  of 
pea  e,  (as  is  proveti  by  the  late  correspond- 
ence between  Governor  Vance  and  Jeff.  Davis,) 
another. 

So,  they  will  neither  propose  nor  receive 
terms  relating  to  peace,  preferring,  it  seems,  tr 
sacriiice  their  fellow-men  by  hundreds  ar  . 
ihousands  for  the  fanatical  idea  of  emancipatiti 
■rather  than  endingour  difficultie  -by  compromise. 
In  1832  the  diminutive  affair  of  South  Carolina 
was  arranged  by  compromise,  but  now,  when 
some  twelve,  or  fourteen  States  arc  arr.vycd 
against  the  Genera  Government,  it  cannot,  be 
done,  not  even  on  a  constitutional  basis.  Don't 
understand  riTe  as  desiring  to  give  the  rebels 
terras  dishonorable  to  the  General  Government. 
I  am  for  compelling  them  to  obey  the.  established 
laws  of  the  land,  and  if  this  cannot  be  done 
without  bloodshed,  it  must  be  done  with  blood- 
shed. 

I  am  credibly  informed  by  some  refugees  from 
the  South  that  soon  aft'  r  the  battle  at  Gettys- 
burgh,  nearly  all  (he  people  of  North  Carolioa 
became  Unionists.  They  had  held  U«ion  meet- 
ings in  nearly  every  county  in  the  State,  and 
all  was  progressing  finely  Curat  this  juncture 
what  did  the  Adriiini  tration  do  to  foster  and 
increase  that  sentiment?  Why,  appoint  Geneivl 
Butler,  a  man  that  is  probably  hated  more  in- 
tense'y  at  the  South  than  any  other  Northern 
man,  to  the  department  of  Virginia  and  North 
Carolina.  I  knew  at  the  time  that  it  would 
have  a  bad  effect  upon  the  Union  cause  in  that 
State,  and  so  it  has,  for  we  have  not  heard  of 
any  great  Union  demonstration  being  made 
there  s  n  e.  This  was  very  probably  the  design 
of  iho  Administration,  for,  it  seems  they  prefer 


te>  provoke,  rather  thitfi  incite  to  a   settlement 
by  conciliatory  measures. 

Ttiey  have,  in  effect,  put  up  the  bars  to  keep 
the  Southern  people  out  of  the  Union,  and  are 
now  poking  them  with  sharp  t-ticln  in  order  to 
make  them  drop  (slavery  ere  taking  a  leap  into 
the  Union,  .believing,  t-3  I  do,  that  ihc  ne  .roes 
South,  taken  on  an  average,,  are  the  happ  eat 
class  of  people  there,  I  positively  see  no  use  of 
this  vast  oxpendiure  of  blood  and  treasure  in 
ovd  r  to  cha  ge  the  ctatus  of  these  people  when 
most  of  them  do  na.  desire  it  done.  Even  ii 
the  Administra  ion  >ould  have  succeeded  peace- 
ably in  this  busiuc.s,  I  believe  that,  under  ex- 
isting circum;tanc(  3,  aU  clas-es  and  grades  of 
the  fouihern  pcop'j  would  be  v  orstcd,  even 
the  negroes  themsel  7es,  and  our  Northern  breth- 
ren be  bettered  no!  ring  b\  the  change 

This  war,  as  it  Is  now  I  eing  conducted,  is 
positively  nothing  jut.  a  John  D  own  raid  upon 
a   1  igc    scale,  cni;-  with  this  d  heret.ee: 

1st.  John  Brown  and  his  fo  lo.  crs  were  vol- 
un'eers.  It  is  il.fr  IV  re  to  be  presumed  that 
they  conscientiously  believed  they  were  in  the 
right. 

Now,  doubtless  the  larger  number  by  far 
volunteer,  d  a  the  commencement  of  this  war 
for  the  purpose  of  aiding  to  restore  the  Union 
upon  a  strictly  constitutional  ba  is,  without 
reference  lo  s  avery  ;  but  alter  getting  the  har- 
ness on,  the  Administra  h  n  have,  by  a  change 
of  policy,  cast  all  these  no  lc  sacrifices — the 
most  noble  that  man  can  make— at  the  shrine 
ot  abolition,  thereby  compelling  many  of  these 
men  to  fight  for  a  principle  that  they  wuul  j 
have  bom  far  from  volunteerii  g  to  do  at  the 
start. 

2d.  John  Brov  n  and  his  followers  doubtless 
imagined  that  m  ich  disaff  ction  existed  among 
the  u  grocs  ^ou.h,  ai  d  that,  therefore,  they 
only  had  to  comr  icncc  the  thing,  and  like  a  roll- 
ing ball  of  snow,  it  would  gather  force  as  it  went. 
They  very  prol-ably  ditd  with  this  belief,  and 
that  they  were  0:1  the  right  track,  Imt  lacked  the 
lime  and  means  to  carry  out  their  schemes. 

But  ih^s  Administration  has  had  ample  lime 
and  means  lo  prove  to  the  most  skeptical  ihc 
fallacy  of  1  heir  course,  and  that  the  negroes  do 
not  desire  io  exchange  tlwir  present  situation, 
where  they  are  kindly  protected  by  their  masters, 
for  a  species  of  serfdom  with  no  protection  But 
notwithstanding  this,  they  still  hang  on  and 
persist  in  offering;  up  the  lives  of  their  country 
men  upon  this  nosi  unholy  altar.  Nothing 
seems  too  preeiots  to  be  sacrificed  in  order  to 
change  the  status  of  a  class  of  people,  most  of 
whom  do  not  desire  it  done  as  aforesaid. 

The  Administration  adhering  with  such  te 
nacity  to  the  policy  of  general  emancipation  as 
a  condition  precedent  to  a  restoration  of  the 
Union,  reminds  me  of  an  anecdote  that  I  have 
frequently  hoarl  an  old  gentleman  relate, 
which,  for  the  benefit  of  my  readers,  I  will 
here  insert : 

Ouce  upon  a  time,  he,  in  company  with  an 
old  lady  and  several  other  persons,  was  cross- 
ing a  river  in  a  canoe.     This  old  lady  had  pro- 


cured a  side  of  bacon  at  a  neighbor's  whic) 
she  was  holding  very  carelessly  on  the  side  o; 
the  canoe.  All  were  gliding  along  very  smooth- 
ly when  the  canoe  striking  suddenly  against  a 
rock,  the  vld  lady,  bacon  and  all  were  precipi- 
tated into  the  river.  All  hands  laid  hold  and 
soon  drew  her  in  again  as  good  as  ever,  minus 
a  good  wetting ;  but  judgt  their  surprise  when 
they  found  that  she  still  clung  to  the  bacon  which 
she  drew,  in  after  her. 

Even  so  with  this  Administration.  They  are 
dc  ci  mined,  it  seems,  lo  adhere  to  the  policy  of 
general' 'emancipation  as  a  condition  precedent  lo  a 
res'orction  of  the  Union,  let  the  nation  live  or  die, 
sink  or  swim.  But  they  cannot  much  longer 
wage  this  abolition  crusade  under  the  false 
colors  of  "Union''  and  "Humanity."  The  mask 
will  ere  lon^  be  torn  off,  if  it.  is  not  already, 
and  (he  people  be  enabled  to  fee  things  in  (heir 
true  light.  As  a  consequence,  this  deluded, 
fanatical,  and  suicidal  Administration  (would 
to  God  I  could  use  milder  words)  will  then  be 
hurled  from  rower,  and  another  take  the  reins 
of  government  in  their  stead  that  will  restore 
things  to  their  pristine  purity. 

I  profess  to  be  a  philanthropist,  and  to  have 
a  uni<  ersal  love  for  the  people  of  all  sexes, 
grades,  and  colors.  Hence,  1  have  great  regard 
lor  my  deluded  Republican  brethren.  1  will 
remark  here  that  had  President  Lincoln  and 
his  party  adhered  to  the  principles  enunciated 
in  his  inaugural,  I  should  not  have  aught  to 
say  against  ihem.  But  inasmuch  as  they  lurve 
depai  ted  from  those  principles  without  any  pros- 
pect of  returning  to  the  same,  I  now  considei 
that  the  salvation  of  the  country  depends  on  our 
elevating  to  the  Presidency  some  gentleman  wht 
will  observe  those  fundamental  truths,  as  laid 
down  in  that  very  able  and  conservative  doc- 
ument. I  thcrcfoie  think  that  justice,  even  to 
our  Republican  brethren,  demands  that  they 
should  bo  loosed  from  the  reins  of  government, 
for  at  least  a  little  season,  and  let  some  party 
mere  capable  than  themselves  put  the  machine 
once  mote  in  running  order.  The  only  party 
capable  of  doing  lhat,  my  friends,  is  the  great 
conservative  Democratic  party,  composed  of 
people  of  all  parties  who  are  in  favor  of  ob- 
serving the  Constitution  and  the  laws.  Under 
the  providence  of  a  just  and  beneficent  Goo 
with  General  GeorgtP  B.  McClclian,  or  som. 
o'.her  noble  Democrat  as  our  standard  bearer, 
we  will  on  the  scond  Tuesday  in  November 
next,  take  the  initiative  step  for  bringing  abou-. 
this  great  dosideratun.  May  God  speed  th< 
day.  After  lhat,  when  times  shall  have  be 
come  quiet,  should  the  people  see  proper  tu 
elevate  another  Republican  to  the  Presidency 
of  the  United  States,  who  will  take  an  oath  to 
preserve,  protect,  and  defend  the  Constitution, 
and  will  observe  that  oath,  I  for  one  will  have 
no  objection. 

CHOOSE    YOU    THIS    J>AY  WHOM    TOU    WILL    SERVE 

My  (ietir  reader,  you  cannot  attach  tio  mud 
importance  to  the  great  questic 
in  the  coming  cauir. 


that  of  your  country  very  probably  depend 
on  the  result.  Toereiore,  if  you  desire  war  for 
at  least  four  years  longer,  with  a  draft  every 
three  months  during  that  time,  vole  for  one  of 
the  Republican  candidates  for  President.  But  if 
you  desire  peace,  with  re-union,  vole  for  one  who 
will  encourage  a  spirit  of  conciliation.  (There 
will  doubtless  be  such  a  candidate  in  the  fieJd 
ere  long.)  I  am  well  acquainted  with  the 
masses  South,  particularly  those  in  North  Car- 
olina, and  know  that  they  desire  a  settlement 
of  our  difficulties  by  a  restoration  of  the  Uni^n, 
notwithstanding  the  assertions  of  their-leaders 
and  certain  journalists  to  the  contrary. 

Therefore,  my  friends,  let  us  unite  upon  a  con- 
stitutional basis,  do  away  wi  h  and  forget  the 
evils  of  the  past,  strike  hands  as  erring  brothers, 
and  once  more  move 'onward  and  upward,  and 
yet  attain  to  what  but  for  our  sectional  troubles, 
we  were  destined  soon  to  have  been — the  first 
nation  in  wealth,  power,  and  greatness  upon  the 
face  of  the  globe. 

INCIDENTS    OF    THE    DRAFT,    CONSCRIPTION,     ETC., 
•       IN    NORTH    CAROLINA. 

In  order  that  I  may  show  the  sentiments  of 
the  Southern  people,  both  at  the  commence- 
ment of  the  war  and  since  that  time,  I  will  give 
a  few  facts  and  incidents,  beginning  with  the 
time  when  they  commenced  beating  up  for  vol-  i 
unteers. 

It  was  to  be  a  peaceable  secession,  some  of  j 
our  politicians  asserting  in  their  speeches  that : 
they  would  pay  the  cost  of  the  war  ior  ten  cents  ; 
others  that  they  would  wipe  up  all  the  blood 
that  would  be  shed  with  a  pocket-handkerchief ; 
an  1  others,  still  more  confident,  said  that  they 
would  agree  to  drink  all  the  blood  that  would 
be  shed.  By  making  such  speeches  as  these,  :' 
telling  the  people  they  must  present  a  bold 
front,  and  thus  back  out  the  North,  they  in- 
veigled many  thoughtless  youths  in  the  army. 
Having  thus  got  the  war  star  ed,  they  soon 
managed  to  force  others  into  the  army,  even 
those  who  had  been  bitterly  opposed  to  seces- 
sion and  its  fruits  from  the  start.  They  did 
this  first  by  the  draft,  and  then  subsequently 
and  more  completely  by  the  unjust  conscrip- 
tion. 

THE  DRAFT. 

When  our  draft  came  off  I  went  down  and  did 
my  best  to  get  our  Colonel  tj  upset  the  thing, 
so  far  as  our  county  was  concerned.  He  had 
formerly  been  a  good  Union  man,  we  having 
addressed  the  people  side  by  side  at  Union 
meetings.  I  now  hoped  he  would  stand  by  his 
former  principles,  and  urged  him  to  do  so,  but 
to  no  purpose.  He  said  were  he  to  do  that  the 
authorities  would  be  upon  him.  He  further 
said  that  our  time  had  not  yet  come,  thus  inti- 
mating that  at  a  proper  time  we  would  come  out 
in  defense  of  our  principles.  Lacking  the  cour: 
age  to  brave  the  dangers,  he  proceeded  with 
the  draft ;  but  I  never  saw  people  in  so  great  a 
6tate  of  excitement.  All  that  was  lacking  was  . 
to  have  been  planted 


there,  with  a  force  sufficient  to  defend  them. 
They  would  have  enlisted  under  that  banner 
almost  unanimously.  I  was  urged  t>>  start  an 
•pposition  movement,  some  of  tne  boys  telling 
me  they  woul.l  die  by  me  if  it  were  necessary. 
Tins  1  had  already  resolved  to  do  were  I 
drafted  or  appointed  to  go.  I  being  a  militia 
#of5cer,  was  exempt  from  the  draft-  the  Colonel 
appointing  such  officers  as  he  wished  to  go. 
Knowing  my  sentiments,  he  saw  proper  to  leave 
me  ou',  and  perhaps  it  was  well  for  the  pea.ee 
of  that  place  th;'t  he  did;  for  in  case  I  were  se- 
lected, I  had  resolved  to  offer  opposition  thereto, 
let  the  consequences  have  been  what  they  might. 
Bu<  inasmuch  as  I  was  not  selected,  [  did  tiOt 
think  I  would  be  excusable  in  creating  a  row 
for  the  others,  and  so  let  the  matter  pass,  leav- 
ing each  person  to  attend  to  his  own  individual 
case. 

There  were  some  volunteers  present  who  had 
been  in  the  army  and  seen  some  service.  These 
persons,  thirsting  for.<ffice  and  military  fame, 
addressed  the  people,  urging  them  to  volunteer. 
They  were  from  Fayetteville,  a  city  in  an  ad- 
joining county,  and  came  to  our  county  for  the 
purpose  of  taking  etiarge  of  surr.e  of  the  com- 
panies. I  wi.l  take  occasion  to  state  here  that 
city  people  were  more  inclined  to  be  secession- 
ists than  country  people. 

As  an  inducement  for  these  persons  who  had 
b  en  drafted  10  volunteer,  a  bounty  of  one  hun- 
dred dollars  was  offered,  and  as  a  still  further 
inducement,  a  day  was  appointed  for  those  who 
would  not  vo  unteer,  to  start  for  the  army, 
whilst  those  who  would  volunteer  could  yet 
remain  at  home  for  an  indefinite  time.  Under 
these  circumstances,  a  go  >d  many,  thinking 
there  was  no  way  to  avoid  going,  thought  it 
best  to  pocket  the  hundred  doilars,  and  so  vol- 
unteered. But  there  were  a  good  many  who, 
after  all  their  coaxing,  still  refused  to  volun- 
teer, saving  if  they  had  to  go  they  would  go  as 
drafted  men.  Accordingly,  there  was  a  day 
appointed  for  them  to  meet  at  the  county  seat 
with  five  day%  ration?,  ior  the  purpose  of  start- 
ing for  th^  seat  of  war  I  happened  to  be  at 
Carthag '  the  day  on  which  they  assembled. 
They  numbeed  nearly  one  hundred  men,  hav- 
ing with  them  about  one  dozen  wagons  and 
vehicles  of  various  descriptions.  All  being 
packed  and  ready,  they  set  out  on,  I  presume, 
the  most  unpleasant  journey  they  had  ever  un- 
dertaken. When  they  had  been  gone  about  two 
hours,  judge  my  surprise  when  I  saw  the  whole 
troop  returning.  I  soon  learned  that  a  con- 
siderable number  had  volunteered,  and  under 
these  circumstances,  the  officers  having  them 
in  charge,  deemed  it  expedient  to  return  and 
give  the  delinquents  a  few  more  days  of  grace. 
Suffice  to  say  that  one  more  buch  meeting 
brought  them  all  over,  except  a  few  sturdy 
heads  whom  they  could  not  coax  in  o  their 
measures.  The  draft  having  been  a  certain 
percentage  too  large,  and  having  obtained  the 
requisite  number  by  volunteering,  these  they 
at  length  dismissed  and  sent  home.  It  waf 
then  sounded  in  the  papers   that  Moore  countj 


had  filled  her  quota  by  volunteering,  when 
(here  would  have  been  but  precious  few  volun- 
teers, I  assure  you,  but  for  the  measures  adop- 
ted to  force  them  in,  as  already  described. 

There  was  another  feature  in  this  draft,  which 
T  Will  here  mention.  The  proposition  was  made 
to  the  militia  that  if  they  would  all  volunteer, 
and  then  draft  to  stay  at  home,  they  would  be 
let  ofl  with  fewer  men,  and  the  chances  for  each 
to  remain  at  home  would  thus  be  increased*  A 
good  many  were  willing  to  do  this,  in  fact,  any- 
thing that  would  keep  them  out  of  the  army. 
But  I,  f  r  one,  opposed  this  measure,  and  urged 
them  to  use  no  hypocrisy  about  it,  for  such 
would  haVe  the  appearance  of  not  only  a  will- 
ingness but  even  a  desLe  on  our  part  to  voluu- 
teer,  when  they  all  very  well  knew  such  was 
not  the  case.  So  they  finally  concluded  to  draft 
"  to  go,"  and  did  so. 

It  was  the  prevailing  opinion  that  much  ser- 
vice could  not  be  obtained  from  men  so  thorough- 
ly imbued  with  Union  sentiments,  but  in  this 
we  were  mistaken.  In  conversation  with  a 
soldier  who  had  lately  been  in  several  engage- 
ments, 8nd  who  was  formerly  a  good  Union  man, 
I  asked  him  if  he  tried  to  hurt  any  person. 
Yes,  said  he ;  that  he  did  not  want  to  stand  and 
let  people  shoot  at  him,  and  he  not  shoot  at 
them. 

The  foregoing  is  what  may  be  considered  a 
true  type  of  the  masses  South.  We  may  there- 
fore safely  infer  that,  as  a  general  thing,  they 
have  'enacted  their  part  in  this  terrible  war 
more  through  compulsion  than  voluntary  free 
will.  But  they  have  suffered  themselves  to  be 
forced  into  the  army.  It  is  death  to  desert;, 
and  so  wi  at  can  they  do? 

In  order  to  illustrate  the  situation  of  these 
people  I  will  give  a  few  cases  of  desertion  : 

Some  time  last  summer  twenty-five  men  de- 
serted from  a  Nonh  Carolina  regiment  stationed 
near  Orange  Court-House,  in  Vhginia.  They 
carried  their  muskets  with  them,  saying  they 
would  go  home  or  die  in  the  attest.  At  Wel- 
don  they  encountered  a  guard  which  ordered 
them  to  halt ;  but,  refusing  to  do  so,  a  difficulty 
soon  ensued,  which  resulted  in  mutual  shots. 
The  carnage  that  followed  was  heavy  on  both 
sides  for  the  numbers  engaged.  Finally,  the 
guards  were  reinforced,  when  ihey  succeeded 
in  capturing  tho-se  who  had  not  been  killed. 
They  were  then  sent  back  to  their  regiment,  ten 
in  number,  tried  by  court-martial, »condemned. 
and  shot.  My  informant  heard  the  guns  that 
gent  these  men  to  "  that'bourne  fromwhenee 
no  traveler  returns." 

I  will  give  another  case. 

There  was  a  deserter  from  another  North  Caro- 
lina regiment  condemned  and  shot  near  the  same 
place,  for  the  crime  of  desertion.  Before  he  was 
loosed  irom  the  stake,  and  while  his  body  was  yet 
warm,  his  wife,  not  knowing  what  was  done, 
came  to  see  him.  Judge  the  feelings  of  the 
poor  woman  when  she  found  her  husband,  who 
a  few  minutes  before  was  in  perfect  health,  now 
in  the  embrace  of  death.  And  now  opposed  to 
compromise,  when  the  masses  of  these  people, 


generally  speaking,  have  no  personal  enmity 

whatever  against  their  northern  brethren? 
Would  it  not  be  better  than  adopting  measures 
such  as  are  calculated  to  dispel  this  feeling 
and  engender  hate  instead  thereof?    • 

THE    CONSCRIPTION. 

The  people  in   this  time   having   seen  what 
!  war  really  was,  refused,  in .  a  great  many  in- 
',  stances,  to  go  forth  to  battle.    Employment  was 
;  thus  given  to  the  militia  officers   to  harass  and 
i  hunt  them  down.     Had  it   not  been  that  thie 
i  force  was  left  behind,  I   believe  the  Southern 
|  army  would  have  bee^n  broken  up  by  desertion, 
!  and  kindred  circumstances,  long  and  long  ago. 
I  This    measure    is    attributable    to     Governor 
:  Brovvn  of  Georgia,  who  refused  to  let  his  mili- 
tia officers  go  into  the  field.     The  Confederate 
i  Congress,    then,    in   order  that   all    might   be 
' treated  alike,  extended   the,  sime   privilege  to 
the  remaining  States.     This  measure,  thus  ac- 
cidentally adopted,  hath  verily  been  the  main 
stay  of  the  rebellion.     These  officers  being  li- 
able to  be  conscripted  and  forced  into  the  army 
in  case  of  dereliction  of  duty,  were,  generally 
speaking,  very  zealous  in  the  discharge  of  the 
same,  in  order  that  they  might  thus  screen 
themselves.     For  this  purpose  they  frequently 
arrested   and  imprisoned  the  father,  and  held 
him  as  a  hostage  for  the  delinquent  son  or  sons. 
I  will  give  a  few  cases  illustrative  of  this. 

In  Moore  County,  there  was  one  Mr.  Isham 
Wallace,  who  had  several  sons  on  the  dodge. 
So, .one  day,  some  dozen  militia  officers,  all 
mounted,  went  to  the  house  of  this  gentlemanand 
informed  him  that  he  must  ac  ompany  them  t» 
camp.  He  told  them  he  had  a  camp  of  his  own 
and  should  therefore  not  go  to  their's  alive.  The 
excitement  soon  became  intense.  .  At  "length 
one  of  the  officers  made  a  movement  as  if  Tie 
were  going  to  dismount  for  the  purpose  of  tak- 
ing him  by  force.  'Our  hero  dared  him,  telling 
him  the  moment  he  struck  the  ground  he  would 
shoot  him,  if  he  died  and  went  to  h — 1  the  next 
minute.  Seeing  they  could  not  take  him  with- 
out killing  him,  or  running  a  great  risk  of  get- 
ting some  of  their  own  men  killed,  they 
desisted  from  any  further  'attempt,  and  rode 
off,  leaving  him  conque'ror.  As  they  were  rid- 
ing away  this  officer  asked  a  brother  officer  if 
he  thought  the  old  deWil  would  have  shot  him 
if  he  had  got  down.  He  answered  that  he 
wc.    i  have  soon  found  out  by  trying  it. 

ijafc  most  of  the  people  being  less  resolute 
than  our  hero,  many  of  them  were  incarcerated 
and  there  retained  until  their '  sons,  through 
compassion,  came  in  and  gave  themselves  up. 
In  Randolph,  an  adjoining  county,  these  officers 
thus  in  about  two  weeks,  induced  some  sixty 
young  men  to  come  in  arid  join  the  army.  At 
length  this  mode  of  procedure  was  stopped  by 
the  following  case  in  which  they  met  with  their 
match. 

HA.3EAS    CORPUS. 

'  Thomas  Macon,  a  quaker  and  highly  respect- 
able citizen  of  Randal 


sspecv^ 


8 


eons  who  refused  to  heed  the  call  of  the  con- 
scription. One  day  a  dozen  or  so  militia  offi- 
cers went  to  (be  house  of  this  old  gentleman 
and  informed  him  that  lie  must  give  bond  I'.r 
the  appearance  of  himself  or  sons  at  Ashboro  , 
the  county  seat,  on  a  certain  day  or  in  case 
of  refusal,  must  accompany  them  at  once  to 
that  place.  He  told  them  be  sb  uld  give  no 
bond,  neither  would  he  go  willingly.  They  then 
told  him  to  prepare  for  the  trip  He  accord- 
ingly went  into  his  house,  changed  hi*  raiment, 
and  came  out  and  announced  that  ho  was  ready. 
But  he  wou  d  not  ride  a  horse  nor  do  anything 
else  to  expedite  the  business.  They  then  went 
off  and  procured  a  buggy,  and  invited.ibe  old 
gentleman  to  take  a  seat;  but  not  an  inch 
would  be  move.  Four  men,  one  to  each  arm 
and  leg,  then  took  bold  and  placed  him  in  the 
buggy.  He  was  then  driven  to  the  county 
seat,  a  distance  of  some  twenty  miles.  Having 
arrived  at  the  place  of  destination,  be  was  in- 
formed that  he  must  either  give  the  required 
bond,  or  go  in  prison;  he  still  refused.  They 
however,  gave  him  permission  to  pass  about  the 
village  upon  condition  that  be  would  no  leave. 
Thinking  he  would  ultimately  have  to  go  in 
prison,  be  sent  home  for  a  bed.  Afterwards, 
when  they  would  tell  bim  that  be  must  either 
comply  with  the  conditions  or  go  in  prison,  he 
would  say,  "  well,  there's  my  bed." 

He  at  length  made  application  for  a  writ  of 
habeas  corpus,  or  in  other  words  made  applica- 
tion to  be  permitted  to  give  bail,  and  if  be  bad 
done  anything  wrong  let  bim  be  tried  according 
to  the  laws  of  the  laud.  He  was  about  to  suc- 
ceed in  this  business  when  the  military  author- 
ities dismissed  bim  and  sent  bim  borne  as  a 
rather  tough  case. 

After  this,  whenever  a  person  was  arrested 
under  similar  circumstances,  he  would  at  once 
make  application  for  a  writ  of  habeas  corpus, 
which  never  failed  to  obtain  the  release  of  the 
party  without  any  further  test.  So  it  turned 
out  tbat  the  acts  of  these  officers  in  arresting 
and  holding  the  father  as  a  hostage  for  the  son 
was  wholly  a  military  usurpation,  there  being 
no  law  nor  authority  for  such  whatever.  But 
the  people  did  not-find  a  remedy  for  this  until 
many  of  their  tons  had  been  forced  into  the 
army. 

I  could  mention  many  other  cases,  but  pre- 
sume I  have  mentioned  enough  to  prove  tbat 
those  who  volunteered  did  so  generally  with  the 
belief  that  they  could,  by  presenting  a  bold 
front,  back  out  the  Morth,  and  thus  evade  the 
shedding  of  blood  ;  and  that  after  the  war  com- 
menced, and  the  people  found  out  what  was 
ahead,  they  went  in,  as  a  general  thing,  through 
compulsion,  rather  tban  voluntary  free  will.  It 
was  a  mystery  bow  the  Union  party,  so  largely 
ia  the  majority,  could  be  made  subservient  to 
the  few.  But  it  is  a  fact  clearly  demonstrated 
that  an  orgauized  force  can  control  and  make 
subservient  an  unorganized  mass  many  times 
larger.  Having  briefly  described  the  sentiments 
of  the  masses  South,  I  will  now  leave  this  por. 
• '  an  of  jjay^a'thjftci^w,i th  the  reader. 


HEAS0N8   FOR   ESPOUSIJ»<»  i/ID  ADHERING  TO  THll 
UNtOS   C.-v'«B. 

It  may  not  be  amiss  to  inform  my  reader  why 
it  was  that  I  deemed  it  exoedienl.  to  adhere  i' 
the  stars  and  stripes  rather  than  give  my  sanc- 
tion to  secession  The  best  reason  I  can  give 
for  so  doing  is,  that  -it  was  our  politicians 
rather  than  the  masses  of  th-?  people,  tbat  sece- 
ded. Secessio-i  having  thus  been  inaugurated 
and  brought  about  by  a  spec.'es  of  corruption 
and  usurpation,  the  most  vile  t.'iat  was  ever 
palmed  on  an  innocent  people,  J.  considered  it 
my  imperative  duty  to  espouse  and  vindicate 
the  Union  cause  through  weal  and  through 
woe.  I  have  accordingly  done  this  at  much  ex 
pense  and  great  risk.  I  was  twice  arrested  and 
imprisoned  by  the  Confederates;  the  first  time 
for  not*  hceuing  the  call  of  the  conscription; 
the  last  for  issui  g  aud  circulating  certain  pub- 
lications. The  last  time,  after  remaining  in 
orison  three  dnys,  I  was  taken  out  and  car- 
ried before  Governor  Vance  for  a  hearing.  In" 
the  course  of  the  conversation  that  ensued,  be 
remarked  tbat  be  thought  there  would  have 
been  much  good  in  my  publications  if  I  bad 
j  published  them  earlier — a*  much  as  to  say  the 
Southern  Ststcs  seceded  before  justifiable 
causes  had  been  given.  Ho  treated  me  very 
kindly,  a  d  finally  released  me  on  condition 
that  I  would  circulate  no  more  of  my  publua- 
tions." 

From  the  foregoing,  I  think  the  reader  ma' 
safely  infer  that  I  was  thoroughly  devoted  t> 
the  Union  cause.  I  yeten: ertain  the  same  sea 
timents,  and  desire  the  restoration  of  ibe  Unio; 
"upon  the  Fame  terms  now  that  I  did  then,  tint. 
they  are,  that  the  Southern  people,  may  be  permit- 
ted to  return  to  the  Union  upon  a  strictly  consli(ii~ 
lional  basis,  and  if  the  Constitution  be  wrong  let 
it  afterward  be  amended  in  the  way  prescribed.  I 
will  go  further  than  this,  and  say  I  desire  that 
a  restoration  of  the  Union  may  be  made  a  condition 
precedent  to  peace.  But' in  otder  to  obtain  this 
great  desideratum  the  extremists  North  and 
South  must  yield,  and  let  the  questions  at  issue  be 
decided  by  a  popular  vote  of  the  people.  A  resto- 
ration of  the  Union  is  evidently  the  only  solu- 
tion for  our  sectional  troubles  ;  for  if  the  coun- 
try be  divided  the  Abolitionists  and  Secession- 
ists would  reign  supreme  in  their  respective 
sections,  and  as  a  consequence  we  should  soon 
have  war  again.  But  if  we  could  now  have  a 
rc-union  upon  just  and  honorable  terms,  the 
people  having  learned  something  by  this  exper- 
iment, would  doubtless  take  more  pains  in 
t':c  future  to  avoid  a  war.  President  Lincoln 
evidently  started  right,  but  this  vacillating  and 
changing  has  nearly  ruined  everything.  Yoq 
will,  however,  please  permit  me  to  do  bis  Ex* 
ceilency  the  justice  to  say  that  in  his  inaugural 
and  mi'd,  conservative  poli  y,  be  left  the  South- 
ern pcop  e  without  any  just  pretext  for  seces- 
sion whatever.  In  some  of  his  speeches  h< 
said,  I  always  told  you  we  would  beat  you; 
that  could  have  been  kept  off  longer  by  nomr 
nating  Stephen  A.  Douglas  for  the  Prosideui 


9 


tfcan  in  any  other  way  ;  but  now  that  we  hare 
beaten  you,  I  expect  you  wish  to  know  what 
we  are  going  to  do  with  you.  I  will  tell  you 
wbat  we  will  do  with  you.  It  is  my  desire  to 
treat  you  as  near  like  Washington  and  Jeffer- 
son and  Madison  did,  as  I  can. 

Aga  n :  He  said  up  m  another  occasion  that 
there  should  be  no  blood  spilled  during  his  ad- 
ministration if  ho  could  help  it. 

JJut  a  man's  being  once  right  is  no  reason 
that  he  can  do  nothing  wrong.  Since  that  time 
he  and  his  party  have  radiated  into  extremes, 
andl  it  is  hard  to  tell  which  have  committed 
the  greater  crime,  they  or  the  secessionists. 

Wit  bout  doubt,  we  the  conserve  ives  of  North 
Carolina,  with  that  champion,  W.  W.  Holden, 
at  our  head,  would  long  and  long  ago  have 
brought  the  people  of  that  State  in  overwhelm- 
ing force  agaiust  the  Confederate  Authorities, 
had  it  not  been  for  the  adoption  of  these  ex- 
treme, unjust,  and  unconstitutional  measures 
North,  by  which  means  much  of  the  Union 
aeniiment  South  has  been  dispersed.  I  think  I 
represent  the  popular  sentiments  of  the  Union- 
ists South.  As  they  are  not  here  to  plead  for 
themselves,  I  think  it  is  my  duty  to  raise  my 
voice  in  their  behalf.  1,  therefore,  think  I  can 
safely  sny  that  we,  who  have  expended  our 
money  by  hundreds  and  thousands,  and  imper- 
illed our  lives  also,  in  vindicating  this  great 
and  noble  cause,  do  not  desire  to  see  a  mock 
Union,  which  would  be  the  case  if  restored  up- 
on terms  such  as  are  now  being  forced  upon 
us  by  our  Northern  brethren.  Rather  than  this, 
we  think  it  won  d  be  better  for  each  State  to 
stand  separate  and  alone  as  tbey  did  prior  to 
the  formation  of  the  present  Constitution  and 
Union,  and  let  the  question  of  Union  or  Unions 
bo  a  subject  for  future  negotiation  between  the 
sovereign  and  independent  St  itcs.  Yea,  rather 
than  the  Administration  should  succeed  in 
their  present  fanatical  schemes  for  the  purpose 
of  making  equal,  or  trying  to  make  equal,  that 
which  God  hs.s  made  unequal,  that  it  would  be 
better  for  the  ground  to  open  and  swallow  up 
every  man.  woman,  and  child,  white  and  black 
at  the  South,  and  tet  our  Northern  brethren 
arrange  matters  to  suit  themselves  by  popula- 
ting the  country  anew  from  the  prisons  and 
almshouses  of  Europe. 

As  regards  our  leading  question,  I  am  cer- 
tainly no  pro-slavery  propagandist,  or,  in  other 
words,,  not  a  pro-slavery  man  per  se.  Dut  at 
the  same  time  I  had  rather  see  t,he  Union  re- 
stored with  a  remnant  *;f  slavery,  and  let  the 
institution  die  out  in  God's  own  appointed  time, 
than  not  see  it  restored  at  all.  I  know  the  non  • 
s'aveholders  South  are  much  incensed  against 
their  sdaveholding  brethren,  for  having  been 
drawn  by  them  into  this  wicked  and  unnatural 
war,  and  'he  probability  is,  that  when  times 
will  admit  of  their  having  a  fair  sweep  at  the 
ballot-box,  they  will  attack  and  do  away  with 
this  institution  of  themselves,  in  which  case  it 
would  be  all  right. 

I  am  emphatically  the  black  man's  friend, 
and  having  resided  nearly  my  whole  life  at  the 


South,  believe  I  understand  his  nature  and  what 
is  most  conducive  to  his  happines3,  better  than 
if  I  had  lived  exclusively  at  the  North.  I 
therefore  think,  instead  of  our  Northern  breth- 
ren being  the  real  philanthropists  in  this  case, 
that  the  time  will  come  when  it  will  be  clearly 
demonstrated  that  the  greatest  enemies  to  the 
black  race  have  been  the  uncompromising  Ab- 
olitionists. Our  Northern  brethren  seem  to 
forget  that  very  nearly  all  that  has  been  done 
for  the  poor  negro,  has  been  done  in  slavery. 
From  the  best  source  of  information,  it  is  as- 
certained.that  of  the  3,953,760  servants  South, 
there  are,  or  were  at  the  commencement  of  the 
war,  about  500,000  connected  with  the  Chris- 
tian church,  which  is  more  than  twice  as  many 
as  are -reported  from  all  the  converts  in  the 
Protestant  missions  throughout  the  heathen 
world.  Of  Africa's  sable  population  of  some 
G0,000  000,  there  cannot  be  so  many  marshalled 
on  the  side  of  the  Lord. 

Another  great  danger  in  adhering  with  such 
tenacity  to  those  radical  measures,  is  that  it 
courts  foreign  intervention.  All  may  thus 
probably  be  lost,  unnecessarily  and  irretrieva- 
bly lost,  after  havfng  borne  the  burden  and 
heat  of  the  day. 

But  let  me  assure  you,  my  dear  reader,  that 
no  person  would  regret  a  permanent  dissolu- 
tion of  the  Union  more  than  I;  for  I  have  not 
only  poured  out  my  money  by  hundreds  and 
thousands  in  defense  of  this  noble  cause,  but 
have  also  wept  over  the  sins  of  my  people. 
But  as  before  intimated,  all  our  efforts  and  sac- 
rifices have,  to  a  great  extent,  been  paralyzed 
by  those  extreme,  unconstitutional,  and  in  my 
opinion,  unjust  measures  adopted  by  the  Ad- 
ministration. Both  sides  have  evidently  erred 
and  gone  aside  from  the  path  of  duty.  There- 
fore, in  order  to  have  a  Union  upon  a  just  and 
permanent  basis,  there  must  be  mutual  conces- 
sions. 

As  already  stated,  the  secession  ordinances 
at  the  South  were,  generally  speaking,  passed 
by  means  of  the  most  fraudulent  and  deceptive 
measures  that  were  ever  palmed  on  an  innocent 
people.  I  thcrefoie,  for  one,  considered  it  my 
imperative  duty  to  stand  forth  in  favor  of  the 
masses  whose  rights — free  expression  at  the 
ballot-box — had  been  violated.  Had  the  Ad- 
ministration at  Washington  seen  fit  to  assist  us 
in  reinstating  the  Union  party,  with  the  privi- 
lege of  regulating  our  local  and  State  matters 
according  to  the  honest  dictates  of  our  own 
bosoms,  they  would  have  commanded  our  grat- 
itude, admiration,  and  cordial  support.  But 
instead  of  doing  that  they  have  come  out  and 
made  war  upon  the  Unionists  also,  in  doing 
which  they  have  doubtless  committed  a  very 
grave  error. 

In  my  opinion  the  Union  cannot  be  restored 
unless  we  have  the  co-operation  of  the  Unionists 
South,  and  in  order  to  get  that  they  must  be 
permitted  to  think  and  judge  for  themselves.  We 
are  honest  and  conscientious  in  our  opinions, 
but  if  ivrong  we  desire  to  be  held  accountable  to 
God,  not  to  our   Ar-"~'>A^tid?irtf  f*^fr in" 3" '  " 


10 


withstanding  the  best  blood  of  the  land  is  fast 
being  poured  out,  and  a  debt  being  piled  up 
mountains  high,  those  in  charge  of  public  affairs 
still  persist  in  their  ruinous  policy.  If  all  who 
advocate  those  extreme  and  radical  measures  had 
logo  forth  and  battle  in  the  front  ranks  for  the 
principles  which  they  so  rigorously  lay  down  as  a 
basis  for  others,  my  word  for  it,  more  liberal 
terms  would  soon  be  offered  the  Southern  people. 

I  will  now,  in  conclusion,  make  a  remark 
which  I  hope  my  reader  will  retain  even  if  he 
forget  all  else  that  I  have  said,  and  it  is  this, 
"That  it  will  be  with  the  utmost  difficulty  the 
Union  will  be  restored,  even  if  we  take  the  shortest 
possible  route  and  leave  the  people  of  the  Slates  to 
decide  their  own  local  matter's,  slavery  included, 
as  suits  them  best." 

If  I  had  the  power,  I  would  sound  the  above 
in  tones  of  thunder  in  the  ears  of  my  country- 
men. 


MILITARY  USURPATIONS  IN  KENTUCKY. 

The  following  extracts  from  a  pamphlet  en- 
titled "Letters  on  our  Country's  Crisis,"  by 
Hon.  Amos  Kendall,  will*  show  how  matters 
were  conducted  during  the  late  elections  in  that 
State : 

1ETTER  VIII. — KENTUCKY  ELECTION. 
Military  Onset  upon  the  Polls — Poll  Books  seized — Names 
of  Democratic  Candidates  Erased —  Voters  and  Candidates 
Threatened  and  Arrested — A  Victory  over  the  White 
Man's  Liberty — A  Disunion  Victory — Members  of  Con- 
gress and  State  Legislature  elected  by  the  Bayonet— No 
Orders  from,  War  Department — A  Mystery  to  be  Invest- 


In  the  closing  paragraph  of  our  last  letter  we  presented 
the  extraordinary  spectacle  in  this  country  of  about  fifty 
thousand  Federal  troops  in  battle  array  against  an  un- 
armed political  party  in  Kentucky.  They  were  distributed 
to  all  the  principal  towns  and  voting  places  in  the  State. 
The  attack  was  made  simultaneously  at.  many  points.  Tho 
following  extract  from  a  certificate  of  the  judge  of  election 
at  Bardstown,  Kentucky,  Mr.  Wickliffe's  place  of  residence, 
shows  the  result  at  that  place,  viz : 

"We,  the  judges  of  the  election  held  at  the  court-house 
in  Bardstown,  Nelson  county,  Ky.,  in  Precinct  No.  9, 
on  tins  tho  3d  day  of  August,  18G3,  do  certify  that  the 
names  of  C.  A.  Wickliffe,  a  candidate  for  Governor  of  Ken- 
tucky, W.  B.  Read,  candidate  for  the  office  of  Lieutenant 
Governor  of  Kentucky,  were  erased  from  the  poll-books  by 
Lieutenant  Colonel  Butler,  commanding  the'  Fifth  Regi- 
ment Indiana  Cavalry,  U.  S.  Army,  now  with  headquarters 
at  this  place,  who  would  permit  no  voter  to  vote  for  said 
persons  for  said  offices." 

Against  this  outrage  Mr.  Wickliffe  filed  the  following 
protest,  viz : 

"C.  A.  Wickliffe  protests  against'  the  act  by  which  his 
name  was  stricken  from  tho  poll-books,  and  the  people  de- 
nied the  privilege  of  voting  for  him  as  a  candidate  for  the 
office  of  Governor. 

'•  He  states  that  he  has  ever  been  opposed  to  secession  or 
a  dissolution  of  the  Union. 

"  He  is  in  favor  of  a  restoration  of  the  Union  as  it  was 
under  the  prespnt  Constitution. 

"  He  has  opposed  the  abolition  of  slavery  as  a  war  meas- 
ure and  the  arming  of  negroes  as  soldiers  of  the  army  of 
tho  United  States,  and  voted  against  the  appropriation  bill 
at  the  last  session  after  the  House  refused  to  adopt  the  pro- 
viso offered  by  Mr.  Mallory,  providing,  in  substance,  that 
no  part  of  the  money  should  be  expended  in  freeing  ne- 
groes, inarmingand  payingnegroes  as  soldiers  of  tho  army. 
Mr.  Crittenden,  Mr.  Mallory,  Mr.  Menzies,  Mr.  Harding, 
Mr.  Yeaman,  and  Mr.  Glider  opposed  the  bill,  and  refused 
to  vote  for  it  for  the  same  reasons. 

"  I  deny  that  I  am  disloyal  to  the  Government  or  to  the 
Constitution. 

"1  request  the  judges  to  file  this  paper  with  tho  poll- 
"C.  A.  WICKLIFFE." 


The  strength  of  Mr.  Wickliffe's  loyalty  waa 
exhibited  in  a  remark  made  to  the  writer  of 
these  articles  i:i  condolence  for  the  loss  of  an 
only  son  in  the  winter  of  1861-2  "  I  have  a 
son,"  said  he,  "  who  has  joined  the  rebel  army, 
and  1  would  rather  have  followed  him  to  his  grave," 

The  following  condensed  statements  exhibit  a  portion  of 
tho  military  operations  in  various  portions  of  the  State, 
namely :  ' 

"McChackf.n  County. — In  this  county  the  election  wae 
held  under  strict  military  rule:  Soldiers  were  stationed  at 
each  precinct.  No  one  was  allowed  to  vote  wit  iiout  taking 
the  oath  prescribed  by  General  Ashboth.  The  Democratic 
ticket  was  struck  from  the  poll-books  and  not  allowed  to 
bo  voted  for." 

"Bullitt  County. — At  Mount  Washington  the  voting 
commenced  about  eight  o'clock.  At  nine  in  the  morning 
Wickliffe  had  received  twenty-one  votes  and  Bramletta 
three  votes:  A  lieutenant  of  cavalry,  with  a  squad  of  fifty 
men  under  his  command,  then  ordered  the  name  of  the 
Democratic  candidates  to  be  erased  from  tho  poll-books, 
and  thit  was  done." 

"  Hancock  County. — At  Hawesvillo  a  lieutenant  in  com- 
mand of  a  military  l'orco  forbado  the  judges  to  place  the 
names  of  the  Democratic  candidates  on  the  .poll-boohs,  and 
they  obeyed,  refusing  to  receive  any  votes  for  these  candi- 
dates. At  Iicwispurt  tho  same  course  was  pursued.  At 
Indian  Creek  no  poil  was  opened  for  the  Democratic  ticket. 
At  Lane  precinct  tw.entv-two  votes  were  allowed  to  bo  cast 
for  Wickliffe." 

.  "  Ballard  County1. — At  Precinct  No.  1  there  was  no  in- 
terference with- voters,  and  Wickliffe  received  all  but  two 
or  three  of  the-  votes  cast.  At  the  remaining  precincts  tho 
election  was  conducted  by  armed  soldiers  under  the  orders 
of  Gen.  Asboth,  all  the  voters  being  required  to  take  the 
oath  prescribed  in  his  order.  At  Precinct  Nob.  2  and  4  no 
election  was  held  as  tho  judges  refused  to  hold  it  unless 
permitted  to  conduct  itagreeably  to  the  laws  of  the  State." 
|  "Woodford  County.— At  Versailles  the  Provost  Marshal 
gave  notice  at  tho  polls  that  those 'who  voted  the  Dcmo- 
|  cratic  ticket  would  leave  a  record  of  their  disloyalty,  so 
that  he  would  know  whose  property  to  seizo  as  the  sym- 
pathizers in  rebellion.  Finally,  none  were  allowed  to  vote 
who  disapproved  the  negro  policy  of  tho  Administration." 

" Ci>GKESiiONAL  Districts  Nos.  6  and  7- Voters,  in  addi- 
tion to  the  oath  required  by  law,  were  required  to  answer 
questions  as  to  their  feelings,  sympathies,  and  wishes.  If 
they  failed  to  answer  these  satisfactorily,  or  refused  to 
answer  at  all,  their  vote3  were  rejected.  Those  who  had 
voted  eavly  in  the  day  were  afterward  called  back  and  these 
questions  put  to  them  and  their  votes  erased." 

Before  the  election,  the  Democratic  candidate  for  Con- 
gress in  tho  Fifth  District  and  the  candidate  for  the  Legis- 
lature in  Livingston  county,  wore  arrested  and  sent  to  Hen- 
derson, many  miles  from  their  homes,  and  there  detained 
until  after  the  election.  Thus,  by  proscribing  illegal  oaths, 
by  dictating  illegal  acts  to  county  courts  and  judges  and 
clerks  of  the  election,  by  arresting  judges  of  tho  election 
for  refusing  to  administer  tho  illegal  oaths  in  violation  of 
their  oaths  of  office,  by  not  allowing  men  who  were  willing 
to  take  the  oath  to  vote  tho  Democratic  ticket,  by  threat- 
ening to  arrest  and  actually  arresting  voters  in  favor  of 
that  ticket,  by  declaring  such  votes  a  proof  of  disloyalty, 
thus  exposing  their  property  to  seizure,  by  seizing  the  poll- 
books  and  erasing  tho  names  of  the  Democratic  candidates 
in  more  than  fifty  precincts,  by  erasing  Democratic  votes 
and  abstracting  poll-books  showing  Democratic  majorities 
— by  a  multiplicity  of  outrages  like  these,  a  great  victory 
was  achieved  by  the  Federal  army  in  Kentucky — a  victory 
oVer  the  right  of  suffrage,  over  tho  white  man's  liberty, 
over  the  Constitutions  of  the  Stato  and  of  the  United  States, 
a  victory,  if  often  repeated,  as  fatal  to  the  Union  as  seces- 
sion itself,  a  disunion  victory,  Tho  total  number  of  voters 
in  Kentucky,  as  officially  reported,  was  1SJ.21-6.  Only 
80,000  were  cast,  of  which  Mr.  Wickliffe  received  less  than 
17,400.  Tho  opposing  candidate  received  the  residue,  being 
but  a  little  more  than  one-third  of  the  actual  vote  of  the 
State.  This  fact,  connecteibwith  tho  means  taken  to  defeat 
Mr.  Wickliffe,  affords  strong  presumptive  evidence  that  he 
would  have  received  a  majority  of  the  votes  had  there  been 
a  free  election.  And  the  same  means  which  defeated  him, 
placed  in  Congress  and  in  the  Stato  Legislature  many  mem- 
bers who  now  hold  their  seats,  not  by  the  will  of  the  people, 
but  by  Federal  bayonets. 

And  what  do  we  hear  now?  The  Secretary  .of  War,  in 
reply  to  a  call  from  the  Senate  for  a  copy  of  all  orders 
issued  from  his  Department  touching  these  elections,  re- 


11 


porta  that  no  such  orders  were  issued  I  If  there  were  no 
orders  from  the  Secretary  of  War,  the  General-in-Chief,  or 
the  President,  ev>iry  officer  who  participated  in  these  out- 
rages ought  to  bo  cashiered  and  driven  from  the  army  in 
disgrace.  But  li.'.s  any  one  of  them  been  punished,  repri- 
manded, or  censured?     Not  one. 

There  is  a  mystery  here  which  demands  from  Congress  a 
most  searching  investigation.  As  friends  of  tliewhiie  man's 
liberty,  will  they  not  make  it? 

February  9,  lb61. 

For  lack  of  space,  similar  reports  from  Mc- 
Lean, Caldwell,  Breckinridge,  Graves,  Calloway, 
Hickman,  Fulton,  Meade,  Shelby,  Lyon,  Da- 
viess, Henderson,  Owen,  and  Nelson  Counties 
cannot  be  inserted. 

The  foregoing  needs  no  comments,  but  speaks 
for  itself. 

For  lack  of  space,  a  very  important  letter, 
similar  to  the  above,  relative  to  the  Maryland 
election,  cannot  be  inserted, 

CONCLUSION.  , 

We  now  come  to  take  our  last  view  of  the 
matter.  We  have  noticed  briefly  Presideut 
Lincoln's  policy  from  the  delivery  of  his  inau- 
gulul  down  to  the  present  time;  how  he,  by 
successive  additions,  like  the  story  of  "  The 
House  that  Jack  Built,"  at  length  reared  the 
abolition  fabric  c  >mplete.  As  a  finishing  stroke, 
if  there  was  anything  lacking,  he  has  lately 
capped  the  climax  with  the  note  to  Messrs.  Clay 
and  Holcombe,  under  the  heading  of  "  To 
Whom  it  May  Concern." 

Again  :  the  adoption  on  the  pirt  of  the  Ad- 
ministration of  those  extremely  radical  meas- 
ures relative  to  the  status  of  the  negro,  thereby 
throwing  obstacles  in  the.  way  of  exchanging 
prisoners,  has  doubtless  been  the  means  of  hun- 
dreds and  thousands  of  poor  soldiers  dying  in 
Confederate  prisons.  When  the  Administra- 
tion could  thus,  apparently  without  any  re- 
morse, entail  such  sufferings  upon  their  fellow- 
men  merely  for  the  gratification  of  their  per- 
sonal ambition,  where  is  the  "Humanity"  of 
which  they  so  much  boast?  Those  brave  sol- 
diers who  have  endured  the  privations  of  the 
camp,  and  imperiled  their  lives  in  the  service 
of  their  country,  de«erve  the  gratitude  and 
admiration  of  the  world.  But  as  long  as  the 
present  policy  be  pursued  they  cannot  reap  the 
fruits  of  their  labors.  In  my  opinion  it  can- 
not he  done  in  four  years  more  should  Mr. 
Lincoln  be  elected.  Claims  of  deceased  sol- 
diers are  now  being  settled  in  the  Second 
Auditor's  office  at  the  rate  of  from  300  to  500 
daily,  and  yet  they  are  twelve  months  behind, 
notwithstanding  they  have  a  force  of  some  two 
hundred  and  fitty  clerks,  the  most  of  whom  are 
employed  on  these  claims.  Considering  the 
large  numbers  that  have  fallen  the  past  summer, 
I  don't  suppose  the  work  now  on  hand  can  be 
caught  up  in  a  twelve  month.  Having  been  a 
olerk  in  that  Department  nearly  six  months, 
I  know  what  I  .*peak  is  correct.  Think  of  this 
soldier-friends,  and  consult  jour  own  interest 
and  that  of  your  country  for  which  you  have 
poiled  so  much,  is  all  I  ask.  ^ 

Again:  the  Administration,  as  if  they  were 
immaculate  and  pure  and  had  not  themselves 


first  broken  the  Constitution,  have  refused  upozi 

all  occasions  to  treat  with  the  Confederates, 
and  thus  end  the  war.  The  following  incident 
will  probably  throw  some  light  upon  this  sub- 
ject, and  may  be  considered  new,  as  I  do  not 
think  it  has  ever  been  in  print  before : 

I  am  credibly  informed  by  a  gentleman  who 
is  now  in  this  city,  who  was  a  resident  of  Ten- 
nessee at  the  breaking  out  of  the  war,  that  at 
the  commencement  of  our  difficulties  he  held 
considerable  correspondence  with  A.  H.  Ste- 
phens, of  Georgia.  The  last  letter  my  friend 
wrote  that  gentleman,  Mr.  Stephens  did  not 
reply  to  personally,  but  requested  a  friend  to 
answer  it,  and  inform  his  friend  "that  to- 
morrow he  should  join  the  Confederates,  but  it 
would  only  be  for  the  purpose  of  bringing  them 
back  at  a  proper  time,  under  auspices  such  as 
would  insure  a  more  perfect  Union."  Has 
the  Administration .  manifested  any  disposi- 
tion to  receive  them,  even  when  they  have 
signified  a  desire  to  return  ?     I  think  not. 

While  such  has  been  the  policy  of  the  Fed- 
eral authoriti  s,  those  of  the  Southern  Confed- 
eracy, meeting  with  but  little  or  no  encourage- 
ment, have  pursued  a  course  alike  antagonistic 
to  the  best  interests  of  the  country,  as  is  proven 
by  the  late  mission  of  Messrs.  Jaques  and  Gil- 
more  ;  bnt  this  was  known  before.  Those  ex- 
tremists have  thus,  by  playing  into  each 
other's  hands,  fanned  the  war  into  a  lurid  flame 
that  threatens,  if  not  speedily  arrested,  to  de- 
vour the  country. 

The  Abolitionists  are  responsible  for  their 
full  share  of  the  causes  leading  to  this  war, 
but  the  Confederates  are  more  responsible  for 
the  inauguration  of  hostilities,  as  I  will  prove 
by  the  following  :  . 

Col.  Lamon,  an  agent  of  the  Federal  Govern- 
ment, was  sent  to  Charleston  to  treat  respecting 
the  evacuation  of  Fort  Sumter.  He  informed 
the  Confederate  authorities-  of  his  mission,  and 
proposed  a  vessel  of  war  with  which  to  evacu- 
ate the  Fort.  They  refused  this  offer,  prefer- 
ring, as  some  say,  a  merchant  vessel  with  which 
to  evacuate  the  fort,  others  a  surrender  of  the 
fort.  In  all  probability,  the  Federal  soldiers 
went  to  the  forts  of  Charleston  in  a  war  vessel, 
and  if  they  desired  to  depart  in  one  I  cannot 
see  why  they  could  not  consistently  with  the 
honor  of  the  State  and  Confederate  States,  have 
been  permitted  to  do  so.  But  there  were  cer- 
tain fire-eaters  at  the  South  who  wanted  an 
affray  at  Fort  Sumter  in  order  that  the  remain- 
ing slave  States  might  be  involved  in  the  diffi- 
culty, and  thus,  all  be  united  iuto  a  Southern 
Confederacy.  Therefore,  the  Confederates  are 
more  responsible  for  the  immediate  inaugura- 
tion of  hostilities. 

President  Lincoln,  with  the  vast  resources  of 
the  United  States  at  his  command,  including 
one  hundred  and  el  ven  regiments  of  soldiers 
from  the  Border  States,  has  a  fearful  responsi- 
bility resting  upon  his  shoulders  for  not  ending 
the  war  ere  this  wiih  the  restoration  of  the 
Union,  and  at  an  immense  saving  of  life  and 
treasure. 


/***\ 


12 


Again:  While  a  certain  prominent  Repub- 
lican has  lately  summed  up  in  four  words 
the  duty  of  all  loyal  citizens — "stand  by  the 
Government" — they  as  a  body,  ultciiy  ignore 
the  Constitution.  Therefore,  their  whole  pro- 
ceedings are  nothing  but  m  ,b  law  upon  a  large 
scale.  Hence,  the  many  factions  in  the  Repub- 
lican party,  for  they  can't  all  agree  as  to  "how 
the  Constitution  ought  to  be."  I  would  say, 
rather  "  stand  by  the  Constitution,  and  theCon- 
tlitution  will  stand  by  the  Government. 

In  the  preceding  remarks  I  made  aa  asser- 
tion to  the  effect  that  general  emancipation 
would  under  existing  circumstances,  result  dis- 
astrously to  the  white  and  black  races  at  the 
South.  I  now  wish  to  submit  some  testimony 
in  proof  thereof.  . 

According  to  the  census  of  1850  there  was 
in  the  penitentiary  of  Massachusetts  one  con- 
vict for  every  2,533  of  her  white  population.* 
Of  her  free  negro  population  there  was  a  con- 
vict for  every  192,  thus  showing  that  the 
negroe3  were  a  fraction  over  thirteen  times  as 
immoral  as  the  whites.  The  proportion  of 
negroes  to  the  whites  being  so  small,  there  be 
ing  only  one  out  of  every  109  of  her  er.tire 
population,  a  free  negro  does  not  make  a  per- 
ceptible difference  ou  society.  But  if  at  the 
South,  where  in  some  States  the  number  of  ne- 
groes exceeds  that  of  the  whites,  they  should 
v  be  emancipated,  and  in  a  few  years  should 
also  become  thirteen  times  as  immoral  as  the 
whites,  I  wish  to  know  what  would  soon  be 
the  condition  of  society  there  ?  While  Massa- 
chusetts furnished  a  convict  for  every  192  of 
her  free  negro  population,  there  Was  only  one 
out  of  every  10,000  of  the  servants  South  in 
prison.  It  cannot  be  said  that  it  is  for  lack  of 
cultivation  that  has  caused  the  free  negroes  of 
Massachusetts  to  become  so  depraved,  because 
there  is  a  smaller  proportion  of  them  that  can- 
not read  and  wiite  than  there  is  of  the  whites 
of  some  of  the  Southern  States.  I  say  this 
with  some  .degree  of  shame,  but  it  is  neverthe- 
less true. 

The  foregoing  ought  to  go  a  great  ways  in 
deciding  this  question,  and  certainly  would  if 
our  Northern  brethren  would  only  cast  aside 
their  passions  and  prejudices,  and  take  facts  in 
the  case  as  they  really  exist.  It  would  seem 
that  they  have  had  free  negroes  on  hand  long 
enough  (eighty  years)  to  succeed  in  elevating 
them  to  a  level  with  the  white  race,,  cr  at  least 
approximating  that  figure,  if  they  are  suscep- 
tible of  such  elevation;  and  until  they  do  this, 
or  prove  that  it  can  be  done,  we  think  it  base, 
mean,  and  contemptible  in  them  for  attempting 
to  force  a  state  of  affairs  upon  us  South,  such 
as  we  have  every  reason  for  believing  would 
prove  the  utter  ruin  of  both  whites  and  blacks 
for  many  generations  to  come,  if  not  through- 
out all  future  time.  Prove  to  me  that  the  con- 
dition of  the  negro  would  not  be  worsted  by 
emancipation,  and  also  that  they  would  not  acf, 
as  an  incubus  or  clog  to  the  white  race,  and  I 
am  then  an  abolitionist  out  and  out.  But  it 
in  axiom  that  no  two  races 


can  exist  together  on  an  equality  in  freedom 
where  there  are  barriers  such  as  prevent  their 
intermarrying  with  each  other.  I  am  sustained 
in  this  opinion  by  Mr.  Jefferson.  A  war  be- 
tween the  races  would  ultimately  set  iu,  and  the 
stronger  exterminate  the  weaker. 

Again  :  a  large  proportion  of  the  lately  eman- 
cipated servants  with  whom  I  have  conversed 
in  this  city,  Newborn,  and  other  places,  say  they 
were  forced  from  their  homes  against  their  will, 
and  that  they  were  more  comfortable  and  happy 
with  their  masters  before  obtaining  their  free- 
dom than  they  have  been  since.  From  whence, 
then,  the  philanthropy  that  prompts  the  forcing 
of  these  p- ople  from  their  homes  against  their 
will  and  crowding  them  in  cam  s,  where  they 
have  died  by  hundreds  and  thousands?  These 
people  are  not  responsible  for  their  being  in 
servitude,  neither  are  they  responsible  for  the 
T#ar.  Therefore  tbiir  blood  will  be  upon  some 
persons  shoulders  other  than  their  own.  Upon 
whose  will  that  be  ?  With  these  remarks  I  will 
now  leave  this  portion  of  my  subject  with  the 
reader. 

Since  the  first  ten  pages  of  this  pamphlet 
we:e  set  in  type  and  stereotyped,  Gen.  George 
i».  McClcllan,  of  New  Jersey,  and  George  II. 
Pendleton,  of  Ohio,  have  been  nominated  by 
the  Chicago  Convention  as  our  standard-bear- 
ers in  the  coming  campaign.  Abetter  or  more 
available  ticket  I  do  not  think  could  have  been 
selected.  With  that  ticket  success  is  believed 
to  be  certain.  There  is,  however,  a  work  for 
us  to  do.  I  therefore  wish  \p  urge  once  m«re 
upon  my  readers  the  vast  importance  of  the 
questions  soon  to  be  decided.  We  have  seen 
how  the  Federal  authorities  resorted  to  force, 
test-oaths,  &c,  in  order  to  carry  the  late  elec- 
tion in  Kentucky.  No  better  evidence  need  be 
wanted  that  their  cause  is  a  bad  one  than  the 
simple  fact  that  they  were  not  willing  for  the 
people  to  decide  for  themselves,  a  1  rge  ma- 
jority of  whom  arc  undoubtedly  constitutional 
Unionists.  Whether  or  not  they  will  attempt 
coercion  in  the  coming  election  we  now  cannot 
tell.  It  is,  however,  to  be  hoped  they  will  not; 
but  whether  or  not  they  do,  the  result,  as  is 
believed,  will  be  the  same.  With  sufficient 
energy  on  our  part  their  defeat  is  certain.  Jus- 
tice demands  this  not  only  for  the  mismanage- 
ment of  public  affairs,  whereby  the  vast  re 
sources  of  the  United  States  have  been  squan- 
dered to  little  purpose,  and  the  war  prolonged 
far  beyond  the  proper  limits,  but  also  from  the 
fact  that  four  years  is  long  enough  for  any 
person  to  hold  any  office  of  profit  and  honor  ia 
the  gift  of  the  people,  either  in  times  of  war  or 
peace.  I  am  therefore  emphatically  an  advo- 
cate of  the  one-term  principle  from  the  fact 
that  I  believe  such  a  policy,  rigidly  pursued, 
would,  as  a  general  thing,  not  only  fill  the 
various  offices  of  the  country  with  better  menj 
but  would  also  cause  a  more  equal  distribution 
of  the  same  among  the  people. 

Another  evil  resulting  from  retaining  person? 
so  long  in  office  is  that  the  incumbents  are  toe 
apt  to  come  to  the  conclusion  that  the  offioc 


13 


and  people,  too,  belong  to  them,  and  get  to  be 
like  Hammonds,  who  in  the  Nashville  Converf- 
tion  proclaimed,  "  The  people  f  re  to  do  what- 
ever we  command  them."  They  seem  to  for- 
get altogether  that  they  are  the  servants  of  the 
people,  :ind  hence  do  a>  they  please.  Mr.  Lin- 
coln, I  believe,  was  once  an  advocate  of  the 
one-term  principle,  but  from  t-ome  cause  or 
other  we  have  not  heard  anything  on  that  score 
of  late. 

In  my  opinion,  before  an  amicable  adjustment 
of  our  sectional  troubles  can  be  obtained,  we 
must  cast  aside  those  passions  and  predjudices 
and  the  hatred  that  has  been  engendered  during 
the  war.  Instead  of  the  pursuit  of  these  pas- 
Bions  bringing  us  redress  for  our  wrongs,  it  will 
only  involve  us  in  more  inextricably  difficulties. 
We  should  therefore  consult  our  interest  rather 
than  our  feelings.  But  the  present  Adminis- 
tration is  so  trammelled  with  proclamations 
and  pledges  that  I  actually  do  not  believe  they 
can  consult  the  common  interests  of  the  country, 
and  at  the  same  time  respect  those  proclama- 
tions and  pledges.  I  therefore  think  we  need  a 
new  Administration  that  is  not  thus  trammelled. 

But,  it  may  be  asked,  what  are  my  views  rel- 
ative to  negro  soldiers,  provided  the  Democratic 
nominees  are  elected.  In  answer  to  this  I  will 
say  that  I  am  in  favor  of  using  the  negro  in  any 
way  that  he  can  be  of  service  in  putting  down 
the  rebellion,  at  a  saving  of  life  and  treasure. 
And 'that  the  negroes  norw  in  the  field  can  be  of 
service  so  far  &.S  force  is  concerned,  is  evident 
even  to  acasual  observer.  Morally  considered,  I 
believe  this  policy  has  acted  injuriously,  in  giv- 
ing the  Southern  people  a  pretext  for  their  law- 
less acts,  and  thus  enabling  them  to  mass  all 
their  available  forces  against  the  Federal  Gov- 
ernment. It  is  therefore  problematical  whether 
the  negro  soldiers  h  ,ve  been  or  will  ultimately 
be  of  any  real  benefit  in  restoring  the  Unio*  ; 
for,  a  reunion  to  be  worth  anything  must  be  based 
upon  the  will  of  the  people  governed.  I  therefore 
think  that  had  the  proposition  of  A.  H.  Ste- 
phens to  visit  Washington  City  been  enter- 
tained, it  would  have  been  worth  infinitely 
more  to  the  Union  cause  than  the  combined 
Bervices  of  the  200,000  negro  soldiers  now  said 
to  be  in  the  field,,  to  say  nothing  of  the  loss  of 
life  and  treasure  that  has  occurred  since  that 
time.  Therefore,  whatever  may  be  the  policy 
of  continuing  negro  soldiers  in  the  army,  I  con- 
sider it  very  impolitic  on  the  part  of  the  Ad- 
ministration in  rejecting  propositions  that 
that  would  doubtless  have  led  to  peace,  for  the 
purpose  of  arming  and  equipping  the  negroes. 

I  wish  here  to  advert  to  a  remark  that  Mr. 
Stephens  13  alleged  to  have  made,  which  is : 
"  That  the  Southern  Confederacy  is  founded 
upon  Slavery  as  its  corner-stone."  Mr.  Ste- 
phens never  said  any  such  thing,  and  I  defy 
any  gentleman  to  prove  it.  What  he  said,  in 
effect,  was  viii3 :  '^That  there  was  a  distinction 
between  the  white  and  b  ack  races,  and  upon 
that  principle  they  would  lay  the  corner-stone 
of  the  Confederacy."  What  gentleman  of  even 
ordinary  capacities  will  say  anything  else?    I 


am  aware,  however,  that  the  Republicans  advo- 
cate equality  before  the  law  rather  than  equality 
of  races.  1  agree  with  them  here,  and  am  for 
the  black  man  enjoying  all  the  pleasures  and 
comforts  of  which  his  nature  is  susceptible.  But 
I  do  not  think  his  pleasures  are  increased  by 
mingling  with  white  people  in  street  cars  and 
such  places.  Having  several  times  ridden  on 
the  same  cars  with  them  it  was  very  easy  to  dis- 
cover by  their  physiognomy  that  they  were  not 
as  well  contented  as  they  would  have  been  in  a 
separate  car  or  apartment  to  themselves.  I,  for 
one,  don't  wish  to  be  understood  as  saying  that 
I  would  have  any  objection  to  riding  by  the  side 
of  a  poor  negro  in  a  street  car,  but  when  they 
would  doubtless  be  more  comfortable  in  a  car 
or  apartment  to  themselves,  why  insist  on  their 
mingling  with  the  wh.tes?  It  is  in  this  way 
that  undue  prejudices  are  gotten  up  against  the 
poor  negroes,  which  eventually  makes  it  worse 
for  them ;  and  very  probably  this  state  of  af- 
fairs will  ever  exist  so  long  as  there  are  barriers 
such  as  prevent  the  whites  and  blacks  from 
intermarrying.  Being  no  miscegenationist,  1 
am  no  advocate  of  any  such  doctrine  I  do  not 
believe  in  corrupting  or  ruining  the  the  Cauca- 
sian race — the  most  noble  of  God's  creation— 
for  the  purpose  of  elevating  the  negro,  an  infe- 
rior race.  But  if  the  negroes  move  in  their 
proper  sphere  they  can  be  happy  and  contented 
in  this  world,  and  if  they  live  -virtuously  and 
seek  Christ,  the  Saviour  of  all  men,  they  will 
doubtless  be  happy  in  the  next.  Having  done 
this,  I  believe  they  will  have  fulfilled  the  pur- 
pose for  which  they  were  intended  by  the 
Creator. 

I  now  wish  to  advert  in  a  few  words  to  the 
Democratic  platform  lately  adopted  at  Chicago. 
The  Republicans  affect  to  dislike  this  exposi- 
tion of  sentiments  from  the  fact  that  it  does  not 
breathe  forth  war  strongly  enough  for  them, 
"  Peace  on  the  basis  of  the  Federal  Union  of 
the  States,"  evidently  does  not  suit  them. ,  It  is 
true  the  platform  does  not  define  the  course  to 
be  pursued  in  case  the  Confederates  refuse 
peace  upon  that  basis ;  but  as  the  framera 
thereof  doubtless  thought  that  a  return  to  the 
Constitution  on  the  part  of  the  Federal  Gov- 
ernment was  all  that  was  needed  to  restore 
"peace  on  the  basis  of  the  Federal  Union  of 
the  States,"  thpy  were  not  as  explicit  upon  that 
point  as  they  probably  would  have  been  had 
they  relied  solely  upon  the  merits  of  the  sword 
for  a  se  tlement  of  our  difficulties.  While  they 
are  for  peace  upon  the  basis  of  the  Constitu- 
tion and  Union,  they  evidently  intend  to  em- 
ploy the  means  best  calculated  to  effect  the 
same.  And  I  am  of  the  opinion  myself  that  if 
peace  were  offered  the  Confederates  upon  that 
basis  with  some  degree  of  firmness,  that  a  re- 
union, such  as  was  established  by  our  fathers, 
would  soon  be  the  result.  But  at  the  same 
time,  should  these  means  be  found  inadequate, 
more  stringent  measures  would  doubtless  be 
adopted,  for*in  the  -language  of  the  patriotio 
Jackson,  "  the  Union  must  and  shall  be  pre- 
served," despite  secessionists  and 


14 


Therefore,  place  the  war  on  a  Constitutional 
basis,  and  if  any  more  soldiers  be  wanting  you 
may  count  me  in  for  one.  I  am  willing  to  risk 
my  life,  even  to  pour  out  my  blood  were  it 
necessary,  to  save  the  Union,  but  am  not  will- 
ing to  ri;k  it  for  the  purpose  of  freeing  negroes 
under  existing  circumstances. 

Since  the  foregoing  was  in  type  I  have  re- 
ceived General  McLlellan's  very  able  and  patri- 
otic letter  of  acceptance.  It  is  very  explicit  as 
to  the  policy  to  be  pursued  in  case  the  choice 
of  the  Convention  is  ratified  by  the  people. 
For  the  purpose  of  placing  it  before  my  read- 
ers, I  will  extend  these  pag€s  to  a  greater  length 
than  I  had  originally  designed.  It  needs  no 
comments,  and  I  therefore  submit  it  entire  with- 
out any : 

Orange,  N.  J.,  September  8, 1864. 

Gejwiemmt:  I  have  the  honor  to  acknowledge  the  receipt 
of  your  letter  informing  me  of  the  nomination,  by  the  Na- 
tiuiial  Democratic  Convention,  recently  assembled  at  Chi- 
cago, as  their  candidate  at  the  next  election  lor  President 
of  the  United  States. 

It  is  unnecessary  for  me  to  say  to  you  that  this  nomina- 
tion comes  to  me  unsought.  I  am  happy  to  know  that 
■when  the  nomination  was  made,  the  record  of  my  public 
life  was  kept  in  view. 

The  effect  of  long  and  varied  service  in  the  army  during 
war  and  peace  has  been  to  strengthen  and  niake  indelible 
in  my  mind  and  heart  the  love  p.nd  reverence  for  the  Union, 
Constitution,  laws,  and  Hag  of  our  country,  impressed  upon 
me  in  early  youth.  These  feelings  have  thus  far  guided  the 
course  of  my  life,  and  must  continue  to  do  so  to  its  end. 

The  existence  Of  more  than  ono  government  over  the 
region  which  once  owned  our  flag  is  incompatible  with  the 
peace,  the  power,  and  the  happiness  of  the  people. 

The  pres.-Tv  in  n  «  •'  o  .r'  r:;:on  was  the  sole  avo'wed  ob- 
ject for  winch  the  war  was  .commenced.  It  should  have 
been  conducted  for  ifchat  object  only,  arifl  in  accordance  with 
those  principles  which  took  occasion  to  declare  when  in 
active  service. 

Thu3  conducted,  the  work  of  reconciliation  would  have 
been  3asy,  and  we  might  have  reaped  the  benefits  of  our 
mar.y  victories  on  land  and  sea. 

The  Unio"  was  originally  formed  by  the  exercise  of  a 
spirit  of  conciliation  and  compromise.  To  restore  and  pre- 
serve it  the  same  spirit  must  prevail  in  our  councils  and  in 
the  hearts  of  the  people.  The  rd-cstablishmont  of  the 
Union  in  nil  its  integrity  is  and  must  continue  to  be  the  in- 
dispensable condition  in  any  settlement.  So  soon  as  it  is 
clear,  or  even  probable,  that  our  present  adversaries  are 
ready  for  peace  upon  the  basis  of  the  Union,  we  should  ex- 
haust all  the  resources  of  statesmanship  practiced  by  civi- 
lized nations  and  taught  by  the  traditions  of  American 
people,  consistent  with  the  honor  and  interests  of  the 
country,  to  secure  such  peace,  re-establish  the  Union,  and 
guarantee  for  the  future  the  constitutional  rights  of  every 
State.  '  The  Uuion  is  the  one  condition  of  peace ;  we  ask 
no  more. 

Let  me  ndd  what  I  doubt  not  was,  although  unexpressed, 
the  sentiment  of-the  Convention,  as  it  is  of  the  people  they 
represent,  that  when  any  ono  State  is  willing  to  return  to 
the  Union,  it  should  be  received  at  once,  With  a  full  guar- 
anty of  all  its  constitutional  rights. 

If  a  frank,  earnest,  and  persistent  effort  to  obtain  these 
objects  should  fail,  the  responsibility  for  ulterior  conse- 
quences will  fall  upon  those  who  remain  in  arms  against 
the  Union;  but  the  Union  must  be  preserved  at  all 
hazards. 

I  could  not  look  in  the  face  of  my  gallant  comrades  of 
the  army  and  navy,  who  have  survived  so  many  bloody 
battles,  and  tell  them  that  their  labor  had  been  in  vain  ; 
that  we  hart  abandoned  that  Union  for  which  we  have  so 
often  perilcfi  our  lives.  A  v;ist  majority  of  our  people, 
whether  in  tbe  army  and  navy  or  at  home,  would,  as  I 
■would,  hail  with  unbounded  joy  the  permanent  restoration 
of  peace,  on  the  basis  of  the  Union,  under  the  Constitution, 
•without  the.  effusion  of  another  drop  of  blood.  But  no 
peace  can  bo  permanent  without  union. 

As  to  other  subjects  presented  in  the  Resolutions  of  the 
Convention,  I  need  only  say  that  I  should  seek  in  the  Con- 
tstUBrdh  °Jt  the  United  States,  and  the  laws  framed  in  ac- 
^■ZQndte^teyuie  of  mJ  duty  and  the  limitations 


of  executive  power ;  endeavor  to  restore  economy  in  (Tbe 
p"ublic  expenditures,  re-establish  the  supremacy  of  law, 
and,  by  the  operation  of  a  more  vigorous  nationality,  rfr 
sume  our  commanding  position  among  the  nation"  ol  the 
earth. 

The  condition  of  our  finances,  the  depreciation  of  the  pa- 
per money,  and  the  burden  thereby  imposed  on  labor  and 
capital,  show  the  necessity  of  a  return  to  a  sound  financial 
system,  while  the  rights  of  citizens  and  the  right3  of  States, 
and  the  binding  authority  of  law  over  President,  army,  and 
people,  are  subjects  of  not  less  vital  importance  in  war 
than  in  peace.  Believing  that  the  views  here  expressed  aro 
those  of  the  Convention  and  the  people  you  represent,  I 
accept  the  nomination. 

I  realize  the  weight  of  the  responsibility  to  be  borne, 
should  they  ratify  your  choice.  Conscious  of  my  own 
weakness,  I  can  only  seek  fervently  the  guidance  of  the 
Ruler  of  the  Universe,  and  relying  on  his  all  pow«rii»t  aid, 
do  my  best  to  restore  union  and  peace  to  a  suffering  people, 
and  to  establish  and  guard  their  liberties  and  rights. 

I  am,  gentlemen,  very  respectfully,  your  obedient  servant, 
GEO.  B.  McCLELLAN. 
Hon.  Horatio  Seymour  and  others,  Committee. 

Democratic  Platform  adopted  by  the  Convention 
•  that  assembled  at,  Chicago,  August  29,  1864. 

Resolved,  That  in  the  future,  as  in  the  past,  we  will  ad- 
here with  unswerving  fidelity  to  the  Union  under  theConsti- 
tntion  as  tl  ie  only  solid  foundation  of  our  strength,  security, 
and  happiness  as  a  people,  and  as  a  framework  of  goveri- 
ment  equally  conducive  to  the  welfare  and  prosperity  of  l,11 
the  States,  both  Northern  and  Southern. 

Resolved,  That  this  Convention  does  explicitly  declare, 
as  the  sense  of  the  American  people,  that,  after  four  years 
of  failure  to  restore  the  Union  hj  the  experiment  of  war, 
during  which,  under  the  preteuse  of  a  military  necessity,  or 
war  power  higher  than  tho  ('oustit"tiea,  the  Constitution 
itself  has  been  disregarded  :'a  every  part,  and  public  liberty 
and  private  rights  alike  trodden  down,  and  the  material 
prosperity  of  tho  country  essentially  impaired,  justice,  hu 
manity,  liberty,  and  tho  public  welfare,  demand  that  im- 
mediate efforts  be  made  lor  a  cessation  of  hostilities,  with 
a  view  to  an  ultimate  Convention  of  all  the  States,  or  other 
peaceable  means  to  the  end  that  at  the  earliest  practicable 
moment  peace  may  be  restored  on  the  basis  of  the  Federal 
Union  of  the  States. 

Res'  Ived,  That  the  direct  interference  of  the  military 
authority  of  the  United  States  in  the  recent  elections  held 
in  Kentucky,  Maryland,  Missouri,  and  Delaware,  was  ?» 
shameful  violation  of  the  Constitution,  and  tho  repetition 
of  such  acts  in  the  approaching  election  wiil  be  held  as  rev- 
olutionary, and  resisted  .with  all  the  means  and  power 
under  our  control. 

Resolvett,  That  the  aim  and  object  of  the  Democratic 
party  is  to  preserve  the  Federal  Union  and  the  rights  of  the 
States  unimpaired;  and  they  hereby  declare  that  they  con- 
sider the  Administrative  usurpation  of  extraordinary  and 
dangerous  powers  not  granted  by  the  Constitution,  the  sub- 
version of  the  civil  by  military  law  in  States  not  in  insur- 
rection, tho  arbitrary  military  arrest,  imprisonment^  trial 
and  sentence  of  American  citizens  in  State3  where  civil  law 
exists  in  full  force,  the  suppression  of  freedom  of  speech  and 
of  the  press,  tho  denial  of  the  right  of  asylum,  the  open  and 
.avowed  disregard  of  State  rights,  the  employment  of  un- 
usual test-oaths,  and  the  interi'crence  with  and  denial  of 
the  right  of  tho  people  to  bear  arms,  as  calculated  to  pre- 
vent a  restoration  of  thu  Union  and  the  perpetuation  of  a 
Government  deriving  its  jus#powers  from  the  consent  of 
the  governed. 

Ret'lved,  That  the  shameful  disregard  of  the  Adminis- 
tration to  its  duty  in  respect  to  our  fellow-citizens  who 
now  and  long  have  been  prisoners  of  war  in  a  suffering 
condition,  deservo  the  severest  reprobation,  on  the  score 
alike  of  public  interest  and  common  humanity. 

Resolved,  That  the  sympathy  of  the  Democratic  party  is 
heartily  and  earnestly  extended  to  the  soldiery  of  our  army, 
who  are  and  have  been  in  the  field  under  the  flag  of  our 
country;  and,  in  the  event  of  our  attaining  power,  they 
will  receive  all  tbe  care  and  protection,  regard  and  kind- 
ness, that  the  brave  soldiers  of  tho  Republic  have  so  nobly 
earned. 

mr.  Lincoln's  letteii  of  acceptance. 

EXECUTIVE   MAXSIOX, 

WASnixuvo.v,  June  Z~,  1S&4. 
Gentlemen:  Your  letter  or  the  fourteenth  instant,  form- 
ally notifying  mo  that  £  have  been  nominated  by  the  Con- 


15 


vention  you  represent  for  the  Presidency  of  the  United 
States,  for  four  years  from  the  fourth  of  March  next,  has 
hecn  received. 

The  nomination  is  gratefully  accepted,  as  the  resolutions 
of  the  Convention,  called  tho  platibrni,  are  heartily  ap- 
proved. 

While  tho  resolution  in  regard  to  tho  supplanting  of  a 
republican  government  upon  (he  Western  Coni  incnt  is  fully 
con'  urred  in,  there  niight  be  a  misunderstanding  were  I 
not  to.  say  that  the  position  of  the  Government  in  relation 
to  the  action  of  France  in  Mexico,  as  assumed  through  the 
State  Department  and  endorsed  by  tho  Convention  among 
the  measures  and  act  s  of  tho  Executive,  will  ho  faithfully 
maintained  so  long  as  the  state  of  facts  shall  leave  that 
position  pertinent  and  applicable. 

I  am  especially  gratified  that  the  soldiers  and  seamen 
are  not  forgotten  by  the  Convention,  as  they  forever  must 
«nd  will  be  remembered  by  a  grateful  country,  for  whose 
lalvation  they  devote  (heir  lives. 

Thanking  you  for  tho  kind  and  complimentary  terms  in 
■which  you  communicated  the  nomination  and  other  pro- 
ceedings of  the  Convention, 

I  subscribe  myself,  your  obedient  servant, 

ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 
Eon.  William  Denison  and  others,  Committee. 

I  make  no  comment  on  Mr.  Lincoln's  letter, 
'inore  than  it  is  very  short. 

Republican  Platform  adopted  by  the  Convention 
that  assembled  at  Baltimore,  Juno  7,  1864. 

.  Resolved,  That  it  is  the  highest  duty  of  every  American 
citizen  to  maintain  against  all  their  enemies  the  integrity 
of  the  Union,  and  tho  paramount  authority  of  the  Consti- 
tution and  laws  of  the  United  States ;  and  that,  laying  aside 
all  differences  of  political  opinions,  we  pledge  ourselves  as 
Union  mf-n,  animated  by  a  common  sentiment,  and  aiming 
at  «•  common  object,  to  do  everything  in  our  power  to  aid 
the  Government  in  quelling  by  force  of  arms  the  rebellion 
now  raging  against  its  authority,  and  in  bringing  to  the 
punishment  due  to  their  crimes  tho  rebels  and  traitors  ar-. 
rayed  against  it. 

Re solved,  That  we  approve  the  determination  of  the  Gov- 
ernment of  tho  United  States  not  to  compromise  with 
rebels,  nor  to  offer  any  terms  of  peace  except  such  as  may 
be  based  upon  an  '•  unconditional  surrender"  of  their  hos- 
tility and  a  return  to  their  just  allegianoe  to  the  Constitu- 
tion and  laws  of  (he  United  States,  and  that  we  call  upon 
the  Government  to  maintain  this  position  and  to  prosecute 
the  war  with  the  utmost  possible  vigor  to  the  complete 
suppression  of  the  rebellion,  in  full  reliance  upon  the  self- 
sacrifice,  the  patriotism,  the  heroic  valor,  and  the  undying 
devotion  of  the  American  people  to  their  .country  and  its 
free  institutions. 

Resolved,  That  as  slavery  was  the  cause,  and  now  consti- 
tutes the  strength  of  this  rebellion,  and  as  it  must  be  al- 
ways and  everywhere  hostile  to  (he  principles  of  republican 
government,  justice  and  the  national  safety  demand  it's 
utter  and  complete  extirpation  from  the  soil  of  the  repub- 
lic, and  that  we  uphold  and  maintain  the  acts  and  procla- 
mations by  which  the  Government,  in  its  own  defence,  has 
aimed  a  death-blow  at  this  gigantic  evil.  We  are  in  favor, 
furthermore,  of  such  an  amendment  to  the  Constitution;  to 
be  made  by  the  people  in  conformity  with  its  provisions,  as 
shall  terminate  and  forever  prohibit  the  existence  of  sla- 
very within  tho  limit3  of  the  jurisdiction  of  the  United 
States. . 

Resolved,  That  the  thanks  of  the  American  people  are 
due  to  the  soldiers  and  sailors  of  tho  army  and  navy,  who 
havo  periled  (heir  lives  in  defense  of  their  country,  and  in 
vindication  of  the  honor  of  the  flag;  that  the  nation  owes 
to  them  some  permanent  recognition  of  their  patriotism 
and  valor,  and  ample  and  permanent  provision  for  those  of 
their  survivors  why  have  received  disabling  and  honorable 
wounds  in  tho  service  of  the  country ;  and  that  the  mem- 
ories of  those  who  havo  fallen  in  its  defense  shall  be  held 
in  grateful  and  everlasting  remembrance. 

Resolved,  That  wo  approve  and  applaud  the  practical 
wisdom,  (ho  unselfish  patriotism,  and  unswerving  fidelity 
to  the  Constitution  and  the  principles  of  American  liberty, 
With  which  Abraham  Lincoln  has  discharged,  under  circum- 
ces  of  unparalleled  difficult}',  the  great  duties  ar..l  respon- 
sibilities of  the  presidential  offieo;  that  we  approve  and 
endorse,  as  demanded  by  the  emergency  aud  essential  to 
the  preservation  of  the  nation,  and  as  within  the  Ce  nstitu- 
tion,  the  measures  and  acts  which  he  has  adopted  to  defend 
cue  nation  against  its  opon  and  secret  foes;  that  we  approve 


especially  the  Proclamation  of  Emancipation;  and  the  tax* 
ployment  as  Union  soldiers  of  men  heretofore  held  in 
slavery ;  and  that  we  have  full  confidence  in  his  determina-* 
fion  to  carry  these  and  all  other  constitutional  measure*!! 
essential  to  the  salvation  of  the  country  into  full  and  cona- 
pleto  effect. 

Rcso.'ved,  That  we  deem  it  essential  to  the  general  wel- 
fare that  harmony  should  prevail  in  the  national  councils, 
and  we  regard  as  worthy  of  public  confidence  and  official 
trust 'Only  those  who  cordially  endorse  the  principles  iwc- 
claimed  in  these  resolutions,  and  which  should  characterize 
tho  administration  of  the  Government. 

Resolved,  That  the  Government  owes  to  all  men  employed 
in  its  armies,  without  regard  to  distinction  of  color,  the  full 
protection  of  the  laws  of  war,  and  that  any  violation  of  these 
laws  or  of  the  usages  of  civilized  nations  in  tho  time  of  war 
by  the  rebels  now  in  arms,  should  be  made  the  subject  of 
full  and  prompt  redress. 

Resolved,  That  the  foreign  immigration,  which  in  the 
past  has  added  so  much  to  the  wealth  and  development  of 
resources,  and  increase  of  power  to  this  nation,  the  asylum 
of  tho  oppressed  of  all  nations,  should  be  fostered  and  en- 
couraged by  a  liberal  and  just  policy. 

Resolved,  That  we  are  in  favor  of  the  speedy  construction 
of  a  railroad  to  the  Pacific. 

Resolved,  Thaythe  national  faith,  pledged  for  the  redemp- 
tion of  the  public  debt,  must  be  kept  inviolate;  and  that 
for  this  purpose  we  recommend  economy  and  rigid  respon- 
sibility in  the  public  expenditures,  and  a  vigorous  and  just 
system  of  taxation ;  that  it  is  the  duty  of  every  loyal  State 
to  sustain  the  credit  and  promote  the  use  of  the  national 
currency. 

Resolved,  That  we  approve  the  position  taken  by  the  Gov- 
ernment that  the  people  of  the  United  States  never  regarded 
with  indifference  tho  attempt  of  any  European  power  to 
overthrow  by  force,  or  to  supplant  by  fraud,  the  institutions 
of  any  republican  government  on  the  western  continent, 
and  that  they  view  with  extreme  jealousy,  as  menacing  to 
the  peace  and  independence  of  this  our  country,  tho  efforts 
of  any  such  power  to  obtain  now  footholds  for  monarchical 
governments,  sustained  by  a  foreign  military  force,  in  near 
proximity  to  tho  United  States. 

For  lack  of  space,  Gen.  Fremont's  letter  of 
acceptance  is  omitted.. 

Before  closing.  I  wish"  to  say  once  more  that, 
having  been  treated  very  kindly  by  the  Re- 
publicans since  I  came  North,  I  have  certainly 
not  written  the  preceding  pages  through  any 
acrimonious  feelings  towards  them  ;  far  from 
it,  for  I  shall  ever  feel  grateful  to  them  for  the 
kindness  ihey  have  extended  to  me  I  there- 
fore feel  towards  them  as  you  would  towards 
an  erring  brother  who  is  addicted  to  the  fatal 
cup,  and  whom  you  are  desirous  of  reclaiming 
ere  he  rush  down  the  vortex  of  crime  to  irre- 
treivable  ruin.  There  is,  however,  this  dif- 
ference between  your  friend  thus  situated  and 
t  h*r  Bi  publican  party.  Your  friend's  evil  course 
very  probably  acts  injuriously  only  to  himself, 
while  the  course  pursued  by  the  Republicans 
has  a  disastrous  effect  not  only  upon  them- 
selves but  also  upon  their  brethren  throughout 
the  entire  length  and  breadth  of  the  land,  both 
North  and  South.  We  are  therefore  all  inter- 
ested in  the  matter;  and  fervently  desiring  the 
welfare  of  all  sections  of  the  country,  I  have 
advanced  the  within  sentiments  without  any 
sectional  feeling  whatever. 

Notwithstanding  I  do  not  fully  indorse  the 
Chicago  platform,  1  yet  consider  the  Democratic 
ticket  far  preferable,  to  that  of  the  opposition, 
from  the  fact  that  under  it  I  believe  the  Union 
can  be  restored  upon  a  far  more  permanent 
basis  and  at  an  immense  saving  of  life  and 
treasure.  The  defects  in  the  Chicago  platform 
are,  however,  amply  remedied  by  Gen.  McClel 
Ian' s., letter  of  acceptance;    and  iu-jia 


iptance ;    and,] 


16 


Democratic  .ticket  is  successful,  I  desire  to  call 
attention  to  the  fact  that  this  may  be  considered 
the  real  platform  rather  than  that  adopted  at. 
Chicago. 

I  will  now,  in  conclusion,  make  one  other 
remark,  which  I  hope  my  reader  will  retain  and 
reflect  on ;  it  is  this :  That  if  Mr.  Lincoln  be  re- 
elected, it  is  my  honest  and  candid  belief  that  we 
shall  have  war  four  years  longer  I  would  there- 
fore exhort  and  eutreat  my  soldier  and  civilian 
iiiends  with  all  tho  powers  that  1  can  command, 


to  consult  their  own  interests  and  that  of  their 
bleeding  country  while  in  opportunity  is  offered 
them.     Do  that  and  all  will  be  well. 

Confidently  relying  upon  Almighty  God  and 
the  justice  of  our  cause  we  will  enter  upon  this 
contest,  believing  that  on  the  8th  of  November 
next  we  will  achieve  a  victory  such  as  will  soon 
cause  the  Stars  and  Stripes  to  wave  over 
every  foot  of  Southern  sod,  and,  as  a  con- 
sequence, give  us  an  honorable  and  permanent 
peace. 


( Continued  from  2d  page.) 

Contrary  to  my  expectations  when  the  foregoing  was 
written,  I -have  continued  my  remarks. 

I  was  in  favor  of  the  adoption  of  the  amend- 
ment aforesaid  partly  as  a  question  of  policy,  and 
partly  because  I  believed  there  was  too  much 
justice  in  it  to  wa'rrant  an  opposition,  notwith- 
standing I  had  objections  to  some  features  there- 
of. In  an  article  written  by  me,  and  published 
in  the  Newbern  (N.  C.)  Times  oi  October  1,  1866, 
advocating  the  adoption  of  this  measure,  occurs 
the  following: 

"  But  there  is  too  much  justice  in  the  proposed 
constitutional  amendment  to  oppose  it,  and  I  pVe- 
dict  that  if  the  Democracy  North  and  South  cast 
themselves  against  this  amendment,  they  will  be 
dashed  to  pieces  as  against  a  rock  amid  surging 
waters,  and  will  eventually  have  to  organize 
upon  a  new  basis,  midway  between  the  two  ex- 
tremes." 

The  Republican  party  having  so  long  with- 
stood the  judgmentof  the  people  is  simply  owing 
to  the  miserable  policy  and  bad  management  of 
the  Democratic  party.  Instead  of  the  leaders  of 
this  party  manifesting  a  disposition  to  submit  to 
personal  sacrifices  and  inconveniences  for  the 
furtherance  of  just  and  correct  principles,  they 
have  sacrificed  principle  for  purposes  of  personal 
aggrandizement,  thus  proving  themselves  un- 
worthy of  the  suffrages  of  a  patriotic  people.  They 
seemed  to  think  that  the  old  car  of  Democracy 
was  bound  to  win,  and  hence  all  jumped  in  for 
a  ride,  overloading  the  structure  entirely.  Of 
this  class  the  Hon.  Clement  L.  Vallandigham  may 
be  considered  a  representative  man,  however  good 
his  intentions.  I  was  once  an  ardent  admirer  of 
Mr.  V.,  until  I  perceived  that  bis  schemes,  if  fol- 
lowed by  the  party,  would  certainly  lead  to  de- 
feat. If  the  Southern  leaders  had  at  any  time- 
manifested  a  disposition  to  return  to  the  Union, 
with  all  their  rights  unimpaired,  his  views  could 
have  been  pressed  with  some  show  of  success. 

The  LaOrosse  Democrat  and  other  vile  sheets 
of  a  kindred  nature  have  also  doubtless  contrib- 
uted much  to  the  defeat  of  the  Democratic  party. 

So  far  as  the  le  iders  of  the  Democratic  party 
are  concerned,  the  defeat  in- the  late  campaign 
was  a  just  tribute  to  their  baseness  and  treach- 
ery for  not  placing  in  nomination  for  the  Presi- 
dency candidates  whom  the  Northern  soldiery, 
a  class  that,  as  a  general  thing,  is  well  disposed 
toward  the  soutln-rn  people  and  best  interests  of 
the  country  generally,  could  endorse.  It  is  to 
be  regretted  that  a  cause  so  pure  and  good  has 
in  such  hand*.  There  must 
Movement  in  the  future,  or 


this  once  great  party  will  soon  cease  to  exist  as 
an  organization. 

I  will  now  offer  a  few  suggestions  relative  to 
the  future.  The  suffrage  question  is  now  the 
principal  one,  or  very  nearly  all  I  will  say, 
that  is  left  to  dispose  of.  In  1866  I  issued  a 
circular  to  over  one  hundred  southern  editors  in 
favor  of  impartial  qualified  suffrage,  basing  it  on 
an  educational  qualification.  If  this  issue  bad- 
then  been  made,  the  party  making  it  would  long 
ere  this  have  been  successful,  provided  it  had 
been  followed  up  v/ith  corresponding  politic 
movements. 

Once  a  gentleman,  upon  being  introduced  to 
Dr.  Watts,  expressed  surprise  at  finding  him  so 
diminutive  a  dwarf,  when  Watts  replied  : 

"  Were  I  so  tall  to  reach  the  pole, 
Or  grasp  the  ocean  in  my  span 
Measure  me  only  by  my  soul, 
For  'tis  the  mind  that  makes  the  man." 

•  If  the  southern  people  would  adopt  this  same 
policy,  to  measure  people  by  the  mind,  without 
regard  to  color  or  previous  condition,  it  would 
exert  a  great  influence  in  eradicating  undue 
prejudices  at  the  North.  .  No  party  would  dare 
throw  themselves  against  it.  An  immense  con- 
servative party  could  thus  be  built  up,  which 
would  ultimately  sweep  out  the  extremes  in 
each  section. 

While  the  foregoing  would  evidently  be  the 
effect,  I  am  not  prepared  to  give  my  feeble  judg- 
ment in  favor  of  its  adoption,  not  having  had  an 
opportunity  of  judging  of  these  masters  by  a 
sojourn  in  the  South  for  nearly  three  years,  since 
which  time  affairs  have  doubtless  underwent 
g-eat  changes.  To  .speak  understanding^  of 
these  matters,  personalobservation  is  required. 
The  Southern  people  must  therefore  he  their  own 
judges  of  the  situation,  and  act  accordingly. 

Notwithstanding  much  fault  may  be  found 
of  me  by  the  extremes  in  each  section  for  at- 
tacking their  respective  theories,  I  will  state, 
that  I  was  prompted  to  the  task  by  an  honest 
conviction  of  duty,  and  that  were  the  ground  to 
go  over  again,  my  convictions  of  duty  remaining 
the  same,  I  would  doubtless  pursue  the  same 
course.  I  therefore  have  no  apologies  to  offer 
the  extremes  in  either  section  for  any  words  I 
may  have  said. 

By  reference  to  Jer.,  xxvi,  and  1  Kings,  xiii, 
you  will  find  in  the  one  a  person  persecuted' for 
telling  the  truth,  and  in  the  other  a  warning  to 
obey  God  rather  than  follow  after  the  opinions 
men.  We  should,  therefore,  upon  all  occasions, 
endeavor  to  let  our  actions  be  such,  that  we  will 
have  nothing  to  regret  in  the  future. 


-page,  in  place  of  1864,  Is  the  only  change  from  original  document. 


"■:;/■..;■■'-■:■■,.  r.    •  : 

" 


UNIVERSITY  OF  N.C.  AT  CHAPEL  HILL 


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